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We will call the meeting to order.
Welcome, all, to meeting number 36 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Finance. We are meeting to study all aspects of COVID-19 spending, programs and related monetary policy.
Today's meeting is taking place in a hybrid format pursuant to the House order of January 25. Therefore, members are attending in person in the room, or remotely, using the Zoom application. The proceedings will be made available via the House of Commons website. Just so you're aware, the webcast will always show the person speaking rather than the entirety of the committee. We ask that people not take photos of the total screenshot, which some of you can probably see.
I want to welcome the witnesses today.
This is the first panel of two, but before I start, Pat Kelly, I have just a heads-up for you. We've had two blackouts in my office today, and it's always possible that another one will happen, so if the screen goes black, just take over—the chair is yours.
The Réseau SOLIDARITÉ Itinérance du Québec, or RSIQ, team would like to express our gratitude to the members of the Standing Committee on Finance for this invitation. We welcome the consultative work you are doing to analyze the special measures that have been taken during this pandemic.
The RSIQ now includes 15 regional homelessness networks throughout Quebec. We are talking about 330 community homelessness organizations that offer services such as emergency housing, supervised consumption sites, street work resources, resources for women, day centres and organizations for troubled youth.
Founded in 1998, the RSIQ is a privileged interlocutor in Quebec. It is also the initiator of the National Policy to Fight Homelessness, which was adopted at the Quebec National Assembly in 2014. This policy is broken down into five priority areas of intervention. The first is housing, the second is health and social services, the third is income, the fourth is education as well as social and socio-professional integration, and the fifth is social cohabitation and issues related to court referral.
Many indicators are in the red right now and we anticipate that there will be an increase in homelessness-related needs in the coming years. It is imperative that our five axes be addressed. We also need to give more flexibility and capacity to community groups.
With respect to the emergency funding programs that were deployed during the COVID-19 crisis, we applaud the fact that the federal government quickly put in place substantial funding for Reaching Home: Canada's Homelessness Strategy - COVID-19, which we also refer to as VCS COVID 3. This funding allowed our members to develop services to urgently address the needs of people experiencing homelessness. However, we have faced the following limitations. While the amounts are substantial, the funding provided through the Homelessness Strategy - COVID-19 does not provide community groups with the flexibility to respond to the challenges they face, such as labour shortages, worker burnout, increased distress among those being served, and so on. They must therefore redouble their efforts to continue to respond well to the needs of people experiencing homelessness.
Unfortunately, all of these constraints have made it very difficult to adequately address the needs of populations that are too often overlooked, such as women, LGBTQ2S people, youth, indigenous persons, and people who use drugs. We had to commit huge amounts of money very quickly. I give you as an example what we call VCS COVID 3, which was up to $40 million for Quebec. We were asked to spend in three months, without offering us any flexibility, the amount of money we usually have for a year.
The guidance, in the case of these amounts, confirmed that the money could be committed from April 1 to June 30. Yet the groups did not receive the funds until January. History is repeating itself. We still don't know what will happen after July 1 in terms of the continuity of VCS COVID 3. As a result, groups have begun announcing service disruptions. Workers are now seeking employment. We need to at all costs announce these dates as soon as possible.
We report in our evaluation that the VCS COVID 3 dollars have not allowed agencies to act with sufficient flexibility to meet the challenges brought on by increased need while overcoming the barriers created by the health environment.
Considering that the negative effects of the pandemic will have alarming social repercussions for several years to come, it is necessary to move beyond the emergency and to look further ahead by working in a preventive mode and developing structuring measures for the future. Here are our four recommendations: 1) that the dates for the use of the $289 million that constitute the VCS COVID 3 envelope be confirmed as soon as possible and that these funds be available as early as July 1; 2) that, in order to allow for more flexibility, the $567 million that have been announced for the 2022-24 budget be allocated to the regular envelopes and not to the emergency envelopes; 3) that, as agreed to in the Canada-Quebec Reaching Home COVID 3 agreement, the funds be allocated respecting the comprehensive approach set out in the National Policy to Fight Homelessness, and the jurisdiction of the Quebec government; 4) that what was mentioned to us when the agreement was signed be respected and that accountability in the case of groups be lightened.
With respect to the rapid housing initiative, RHI, while our members reacted favourably to the announcement concerning the creation of this program, the application process is unfortunately problematic. Many groups were not able to apply for this project because the timelines were so short and the groups were dealing with the effects of the pandemic, which they had to manage.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
I appreciate the opportunity to appear today. I am Bill VanGorder. I am the chief operating officer of CARP, also known as the Canadian Association of Retired Persons. We are Canada’s largest advocacy organization for older adults.
We're a national, non-partisan, non-profit organization that advocates for financial security and improved health care for Canadians. We have 320,000 members across the country and 27 chapters, all playing an active role in the creation of policy and legislation that affects older Canadians.
With more than 80% of the COVID-19 deaths linked to institutional long-term care, and the 90% of older Canadians who live in their own homes all severely impacted by COVID, Canadians were shocked by the complete inability of the system to protect its older citizens during the pandemic.
We found that the historic issues that have undermined elder care for some time exploded during this period. Overcrowded wards, lack of staff training, chronic understaffing and lack of support for family caregivers all must be addressed. Canada lags behind other countries in funding long-term care and community and home care. In long-term care, for instance, we only spend 1.3% of the GDP, where countries like the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden spend over twice as much on their elder citizens.
We need federal government financial support that provides appropriate, clear and measurable standards to improve the quality of care for all of these vulnerable Canadians, along with the appropriate tools to take action should these outcomes not be achieved.
CARP believes that the federal Auditor General should establish a working group to establish consistent standards for reviewing services and expenditures on home care and long-term care and make the report on it an annual Auditor General's event. We'd also like to see a panel of older Canadians created to advise the government on policies and programs. Older Canadians want decisions made with them, not for them, and they strongly believe that their level of health care should not be determined by their postal code.
CARP notes that the federal government’s budget presented this week includes some promises to assist older Canadians. The first is the beginning of a process to set, monitor and enforce appropriate long-term care standards. However, the $3 billion over five years had only one goal in the first year, and that was to get the Canadian Standards Association and two other groups to create a policy document that could be examined as late as early 2022. Surely we would agree with the CARP members who are saying that the need now is urgent and older adults across the country want action now.
As a sidebar, by the way, we note that there has been talk about changing the Canada Health Act. That will take much too long. There's much too much involved in that. CARP believes that long-term care should be a separate agreement with the provinces. Our members will work with the federal government to urge our provincial governments to co-operate on that process.
The budget also proposed $90 million over three years to produce the living well at home fund. That's wonderful to have that happen. Certainly those kinds of helps, like home repair and grass cutting and other assistance, are the sorts of things they need. However, the support must be accompanied by national standards to meet those critical needs, but also make sure there's enough funding for front-line home care, community care, respite care, expanding telehealth care solutions, eliminating sales taxes on family-funded services and an income tax rebate for family caregivers.
In the past, programs similar to the living well at home program, such as the new horizons grants, were provided as seed funding and then expected the local volunteer groups to fundraise or obtain other local grants to continue those programs beyond a year or so. This will not work with the living well at home program.
CARP urges you to assure that they will be funded for multiple years to assure that these services continue to be available to those older Canadians who require them.
We also must point out our severe disappointment and our members' disappointment that nothing has been offered in terms of help for family caregivers. Child care, yes, but what about those families who have to give similar care to older parents or family members, many of whom are in a sandwich generation where they have to give care to both?
Finally and honestly, CARP is sorry to report to you that older Canadians have a perception that the federal government has done very little to directly assist them during COVID. We're hearing from our members that they've seen money going to workers, businesses and institutions, but none for seniors.
In all fairness, of course, it can be pointed out that there have been programs that have been aimed at helping seniors, but in their view, all they have received was $300 last June, another $500 promised this August, and $200 more maybe last June if they were really poor. To dispel this perception, quicker, more focused actions by the federal government are necessary to support older Canadians during these difficult times.
Thank you for the opportunity to bring CARP's concerns to you.
:
Good afternoon. Hello to all the members of the committee and guests. It is an honour for us to present to the committee today on the specific issues we deal with in violence against women.
I'd also like to say hi to Lise, with whom we've been working on several occasions.
I'm the executive director of the Shield of Athena Family Services. We have provided for the past 30 years a network of multilingual services for victims of conjugal violence. We have three points of service presently. We will be building a fourth transition home, a social housing unit for women, for after their stay at an emergency shelter. We also have a fully developed community outreach department. Annually, we raise awareness to thousands of people on the issues of conjugal violence. This we do in many, many languages.
The global effects of the pandemic from last March—officially, I think it was March 11 when it was announced—until the present have impacted everyone and have disrupted the rhythm of life as we know it. I would like to say thank you to the Government of Canada for all they have done for victims of violence in terms of the COVID payments. We thank them and also our respective provinces very much.
What we've seen during this pandemic is that no one is immune. The most affected, however, are women, and by consequence their children. We think of women with their children as part of a package. The lockdowns and quarantines have affected women's capacity to go to work. They have affected their ability to provide. They have affected their ability to protect themselves and their children and, particularly in the field we work in, to keep themselves safe and out of danger.
In the case of violence against women, we're already dealing with a pandemic. The United Nations had labelled violence against women as a global pandemic way before the health pandemic of COVID began. It had already reached, before COVID, pandemic proportions. What are we speaking of? We're speaking of the lack of access to services, the lack of spaces in shelters, ineffective laws, not enough prevention programs, not enough awareness of the issue of conjugal violence and the minimization of the existence of conjugal violence. Those all existed prior to the global COVID pandemic. What happened when the pandemic hit was that for women victims, already limited in their scope of action, their situation became much more reinforced and much more dangerous due to their isolation with an abusive partner. This same isolation also made it more difficult for them to access information, to call organizations and to plan for an escape.
As well, there was an initial shock with the pandemic that resulted in people not calling. This elicited the various organizations that worked with victims to do outreach programs. I know that we were very heavily involved in outreach programs in many languages. We would tell people, particularly victims, “Look, this is COVID, but you can access the services.” Information is knowledge, and knowledge is power.
There was also the fact that during COVID there were no procedures in place. There was an initial shock with the fact that we were within this pandemic. No procedures were in place. It was very difficult for women to access any services, to go to the police or to go to the hospital, particularly when they were very often living with their enemy.
For years shelters in Quebec have been clamouring that there hasn't been enough space to put women and children in. The emergency shelters have been working at rates of over 100%. In 2018 our shelter was working at a rate of 105%. This lack of space during that time became much more evident with the pandemic.
What does shelter living involve? Shelter living involves community living. It's a communal life, but how do you have community living within the context of a pandemic? It's impossible. Social distancing is impossible. Isolating women is impossible. Many of the shelters are small shelters. They do not have the space for that and they do not have the means. Where you could double up women and children before, you could not do that within the context of a global pandemic. Whatever was underlying in terms of problems with space and resources became even worse with this global pandemic.
Of course, for women of race, for women coming from immigrant communities, for women who presented with severe linguistic and other barriers, the situation of just attaining basic information, never mind accessing resources, became really horrendous because their isolation was even more pronounced.
Despite this situation, shelters and other organizations devised ways to help women get into limited resources. We recommend that more funds go towards expanding spaces for already existing shelters. There's a huge need there. There was a huge need there from before.
By far, however, access to second-step housing was even more difficult. I don't know if you've heard, but in Quebec, from the beginning of the pandemic, from May, we've had 15 murders. Another woman was killed over the past weekend. The purpose of second-step resources is to allow a very secure environment for women leaving emergency shelters. We all know that the violent episodes during the first year are huge at the point of the woman deciding to leave an abusive relationship. They're huge for her and huge for her children.
My question is, why were these resources so slow in coming? If we take our example at the Shield of Athena, it took us 10 years from day one until now to be building a second-step shelter. Procedures are long and arduous. Maybe they can be made lighter. Maybe they can respond more quickly to certain needs that are coming forth regarding violence against women.
In terms of these procedures, I realize that it does not solely have to do with the federal government. There are the provincial actors as well. Working with the Société d'habitation du Québec was horrendous. It took such a long time. There were bureaucratic messes, and so on. Therefore, we recommend just an overview towards seeing what it is that we can do in order to make the situation much better for the women and their children.
The other aspect of going into a second-step resource is, of course, to help the woman attain a situation of autonomy. Autonomy is really hard for women who are victims of conjugal violence. In addition to the financial dependency that we see in the conjugal violence cases, there's also the fear of where do they go to after. A lot of them are single mothers. A lot of them are scared. A lot of them don't speak the language. There are huge issues with attaining autonomy.
Taking that into consideration, we respectfully request that the committee take into consideration that one of the most important issues for victims is their right to some sort of financial indemnization, a recognition in the form of financial assistance for a limited time until they are back on their feet.
We are speaking in Quebec about some emergency funds that can be given to women so that they can expedite matters for themselves to leave abusive situations more quickly, but that's not the issue. That's part of the issue, and this comes from the lack of a global perspective on what we need for conjugal violence. One of the most important issues is that we have to recognize the severity of what conjugal violence is, that it's a social issue, and we have to recognize the status of what being a victim of this type of violence is.
We recommend and respectfully request that the committee take into consideration that a specific allocation, some sort of stipend, be given to victims of conjugal violence, be they single women or single mothers with their children, because all victims of conjugal violence need financial support.
I thank the committee very much for hearing us on this topic.
:
Hello. My name is Charlie Ursell. Thank you to the honourable members of the committee for inviting Watershed Partners to appear today.
As you can probably tell from my accent, I'm not originally from here. I'm an immigrant and I'm genuinely excited to take part in the parliamentary process in my adopted home.
I'm a professional facilitator and a process designer at Watershed Partners. What that means is that I help clients have collaborative, generative conversations with people who have a variety of perspectives so they can create solutions to the biggest problems that they face.
Thank you to the committee for sending this invitation and also for the clarification that you're interested in learning more about a project that we delivered related to wealth and the problem of housing inequity across generations. It truly is an honour to share our work with you today.
As a brief overview, Watershed Partners is a collaborative design firm that designs and facilitates engagement across a wide range of people with a wide range of perspectives. The purpose of our work is to enable participants in our sessions to freely create their own solutions to the problems that they face. I believe that people love what they design and people own what they create.
Watershed creates the conditions for good conversations. Then we step back and ensure that the participants in the sessions own the outcomes of their own work. Our participants bring the content and we bring the process. The majority of our work is with private sector clients who are seeking to collaboratively work with their customers, with their investors and also with local partners. Many of these clients are in Canada's resource sector. We've also worked in the agriculture sector, with indigenous peoples, with investor groups, with hospitals and health care providers, not-for-profit groups and others.
When you think of what we do, we're what happens when event planners and professional facilitators meet.
We have little or no content knowledge about the subject matter that our participants are engaging in. This way of working ensures we don't suffer from cognitive bias known as the curse of knowledge or the curse of expertise. We view our neutrality on the topics at hand as a way of maintaining the trust and the confidence of our stakeholders. It ensures that we as facilitators and as process designers have no preconceived notions or interests. This allows us to be trusted third parties and honest brokers when we are invited into the complex problems that our clients and their partners face.
Twice in our organization's six-year history we've worked on projects related to housing. Both of these times were with Generation Squeeze. On both occasions, our role was as neutral third party facilitators and process designers. We held no subject matter expertise in the topics of engagement.
The second project, which was anchored and centred on housing inequity, intended to generate a series of policy solutions to intergenerational barriers to home ownership. Access to affordable housing is an acute problem in Canada, as many of the honourable members here today know from their own experience in their ridings.
We were honoured to work with Generation Squeeze on this project. We were approached by Gen Squeeze in June 2019 to see if we would be willing and able to provide facilitation services for a project that would enable participants to have open-ended conversations in order to generate potential solutions to high house prices.
Our role was to create a good process to enable those generative conversations amongst participants with lived experiences. As the neutral third party facilitator, our role also included capturing those solutions and insights that the participants have generated and helping them critically challenge and prioritize their own solutions.
As an outcome, we anticipated that our work would help participants create their own road map to scalable and implementable solutions. We facilitated two sessions as part of this project.
At the conclusion of the second session, Watershed Partnership and Gen Squeeze agreed that Watershed would no longer be providing services or be involved in this project. We did so because we agreed that Watershed wasn't the right partner for this project based on our business model where we are content absent. As a relationship, our work was formally dissolved during the week of November 9, 2020.
If the committee has any questions respecting how we support collaborative generative conversations amongst people with lived experience as part of this project, I will be more than happy to provide our insights.
As we're not subject matter expertise, I will do my very best to answer your questions, but if we're unable, I recommend that content questions are probably better suited to Gen Squeeze and CMHC to answer.
Once again, I would like to thank you for your kind invitation. I'm really excited to be here today. I would love to share more about the work we do and answer any questions you have.
:
Thank you very much for this invitation.
My name is Lise Martin, and I am the executive director of Women's Shelters Canada.
I come to you today from the unceded territory of the Algonquin nation.
We are a national organization representing the 550-plus violence against women's shelters and transition houses across the country.
The pandemic has had devastating impacts on women experiencing abuse. In the context of stay-at-home orders, home is far from safe for a number of women and their children. With the introduction of the stay-at-home orders last spring, shelters, along with our provincial shelter associations, were quick to point out that, if home was not safe, you did not need to stay and that help was available. Throughout all phases of the ongoing pandemic, Canada's 550-plus shelters have remained open.
I will focus my intervention on the federal program to provide emergency COVID funding to gender-based violence organizations, more specifically, the funds provided to shelters and transition houses.
In total, $100 million was provided. The first $50 million was announced in late March 2020 while the second $50 million was announced in late October.
In late March 2020, the department, Women and Gender Equality, reached out to us to discuss the possibility of having our organization distribute the funds earmarked to shelters. Although the distribution of funds is not part of our mission, we knew that we had the most accurate and up-to-date information on shelters. We knew that shelters needed funds ASAP. Finally, we knew that our small but mighty team could take this on.
We distributed $20.5 million to shelters in the spring of 2020 and a further $15.7 million in December. These funds were provided to 385 shelters. On average, each shelter received $90,000 distributed over three transfers. The shelters very much appreciated these funds at this time of unprecedented crisis. The impacts on shelters were numerous. What Melpa has described has occurred in shelters across the country.
The federal emergency COVID funds were able to respond to a very real and immediate need. You will recall that the WHO declared the pandemic on March 11, 2020. Between April 13 and 24, we were able to provide initial funds into the bank accounts of most of Canada's shelters.
Women's Shelters Canada provided funds to all shelters with the exception of those funded by Indigenous Services Canada and those within the province of Quebec, where the distribution was made by the provincial government. We continue to be concerned about shelters in Quebec that had to wait much longer to receive these crucial emergency funds. In the first wave, Quebec shelters did not receive funds before mid-June. Whereas our final third round of disbursement was made in late December prior to the Christmas holidays, shelters in Quebec are only now beginning to receive their third installment.
The funding program was designed with a great deal of flexibility allowing it to respond to the very different needs across the country. In terms of the funds that were announced in late October, we were able to negotiate the deadline for funds to be spent. It is September 30, 2021, rather than the usual March 31.
Last fall we argued convincingly that the pandemic would not end on March 31, which clearly it has not. There were, however, a number of cases where bureaucratic rules superseded logic; namely, the fund did not allow for capital investment. For example, we received a request from a shelter in a remote area of Yukon that asked if funds could be put towards the purchase of a vehicle to transport women. There are huge transportation barriers in the north and in our rural and remote communities. The response was that such an expense could not be covered but that they could make use of taxis, and this would be covered. Well, there are no taxis in this community, and shelters often need to get women in the middle of the night and often at great distances.
A number of shelters reached out asking about building an additional bathroom, converting an office into a bathroom, for example. Unfortunately, all of these requests were turned down because of Treasury Board guidelines that did not adapt to these exceptional circumstances.
Let me now turn to what comes next. The pandemic has highlighted that gender-based violence increases in times of crisis and how fragile our systems and services to respond were and are. This needs to change.
Gender-based violence levels won't go back down after the pandemic. More than ever, we need strong and well-funded services and prevention initiatives to deal with the now and to strengthen our response capabilities for future crises.
As organizations supporting shelters, we, as well as the shelters themselves, need stable and ongoing funding. In our 2019 “More than a Bed” report, 74% of violence against women shelters indicated that insufficient funding was a major challenge, and 64% did not receive a regular annual cost of living increase.
Within this context, it is extremely challenging to remunerate shelter workers' wages that reflect their levels of expertise. A recent study from our member in Alberta showed that the women's shelters' workforce earned less and worked longer hours than the average worker in an equivalent role in the province's non-profit and public sectors. As the pandemic has shown, a sector is only as strong as its people.
Earlier this week, we welcomed the federal budget, which included the first investments into Canada's national action plan on gender-based violence, a plan for which we have been advocating since 2013. It is definitely a major step forward. We have, however, clearly indicated that a fully national action plan will require billions, not millions. Gender-based violence is a systemic issue that requires systemic solutions.
Thank you. I look forward to your questions.
:
I believe I explained the transfers in my presentation. Yes, all of those transfers were done. There was a lot of flexibility allowed, so it was really up to the shelters to decide on their priorities.
For many of them, it was around human resources, bringing in extra staffing, the fact that staff had to stay home. There was all of the craziness, if you want, at the beginning of the pandemic. Then there were also a lot of resources that went to finding alternative accommodation, because, as Melpa explained, at the beginning of the pandemic, basically if a shelter could accommodate 10 families, it was reduced to five—pretty much by 50%. You had to find alternative accommodations. A lot of that was in the empty hotel or motel spaces, but those had to be paid for. Then there were PPE resources.
That's how these funds were used. The shelters do have until September 30 to spend those funds.
In terms of the housing piece, it's obviously a welcomed announcement. I actually asked on Monday to give me a contact at CMHC, because the issue has been partly the slowness of the funds going out and also the transparency. It's really hard to track the money, so as a national organization that's a priority for us.
One of the challenges for the shelters—and many emergency shelters such as Melpa's are opening second-stage shelters—is that you have to generally put up 40% of the total cost, and that's a big amount for shelters, especially in this environment.
Also, shelters are not builders, so there's a big learning curve. There's a 25% commitment in the housing strategy for funds for women, and we feel very strongly that it's very important those targets be met and surpassed, I would say.
:
Thank you for your question, Mr. Ste-Marie.
First of all, with respect to the $299 million announced for 2021-2022, I would remind you that this money will be available through the emergency envelope to support the VCS COVID 3 program and there is not a lot of flexibility in that regard. We are still waiting to hear when we will be able to use this money. Confirmation is slow in coming.
So, we were pleasantly surprised by the $567 million announcement. This is close to what we had asked for to adequately address the needs of people experiencing homelessness in Quebec. However, there is uncertainty about how this money will flow to community organizations.
Will this be through the emergency envelopes for the VCS COVID 3 program, or through the regular envelopes?
We are under the impression that the government is offering us premium unleaded gasoline, but telling us to put it in a diesel engine, i.e. they are offering us funding through the emergency envelopes for the VCS COVID 3 program. So we are not making any progress at all.
So, we're hoping that the government will confirm that we're going to be able to use these monies in the same way that we can use the regular Reaching Home envelopes. This will give us a lot more flexibility to meet the needs of people experiencing homelessness. We look forward to that announcement.
:
Several people have spoken today about the troubling situation of people in vulnerable situations, including women. We see the same thing with people experiencing homelessness.
We look at the current situation from the angle of Quebec's National Policy to Fight Homelessness. Housing is the first axis. It is central to both the prevention of homelessness and the reduction of homelessness. It is alarming to note that the housing vacancy rate is currently below the equilibrium threshold of 3% in all of Quebec's metropolitan regions.
The second focus of the policy is health. People experiencing homelessness are at increased risk for infections and diseases. When they have COVID-19, they are 20 times more likely to be hospitalized, 10 times more likely to be admitted to intensive care, and even 5 times more likely to die. Moreover, when these individuals go to seek care, they face barriers to access and are denied care.
Income is the third axis of the policy. This indicator is also in the red. There is currently a record increase in the cost of the grocery basket of 4%. In 2020, there was an increase in demand at food banks of between 30% and 50%. There is also an expected increase in the number of households spending more than 50% of their income on food.
The fourth axis of the policy is education, social insertion and socio-professional insertion. Despite a rebound in employment, conditions remain inferior to those that existed before the pandemic. According to what we have observed, it is mainly young people and women who have paid the price of the pandemic in terms of employment.
The last axis is social cohabitation and issues related to judiciarization. Judiciarization issues are certainly present in Quebec, as our members report to us. According to a study conducted in Montreal, eight times more tickets were issued to people experiencing homelessness between 1994 and 2018.
The indicators are indeed in the red.
:
Thanks very much, Mr. Chair.
Thanks to all of our witnesses for coming forward during this pandemic to testify. We hope that you and your families and loved ones are staying safe and healthy during this pandemic.
I'd like to start with two questions for Ms. Kamateros and Ms. Martin.
Thank you for your work in providing supports for women who are escaping violence.
Prior to the pandemic it was estimated in Canada—and this is a deplorable fact—that over 400 women escaping violence had nowhere to go in Canada because of the negligence of the previous government and of the current government. As my first question, I would like know where you see that figure today. How many women are still not able to find resources when they need it when they're escaping family violence?
My second question is related to how we can get to there, where every woman has a place to go to when they're escaping violence. We saw at the beginning of the pandemic $750 billion going in liquidity supports to Canada's big banks. Many people have proposed a wealth tax—it wasn't in the budget—that would provide $10 billion annually in supports, for example, so that we can eliminate gender-based violence in this country.
How much do you think it would cost to actually put in place a network and supports so that every woman has a place to go to if they are escaping gender-based violence, escaping family violence?
:
That is very low, actually. The number is much higher than that, and it definitely hasn't changed. On any given day there are hundreds and hundreds of women who need to be turned away from shelters. They've been at capacity for, I'd say, at least a decade.
This was one of the reasons we advocated for the national housing strategy. The reason the shelters have to turn women away is that they have nowhere to go. It's very important that once a woman is in a shelter they be able to ensure her safety, but there is no safe and affordable housing available. That's the crux of the issue.
Again, as I said, gender-based violence is a systemic issue that requires a systemic solution. Housing is definitely part of it. Proper wages is another.
I think that with the national housing strategy the intentions are there; it's just that there have been many challenges in the rollout. I guess we're going to buckle down to try to find out a bit more about that.
I often say that in this work you have to be naive and optimistic. Part of our optimism is hooked on the national action plan. I said we will need billions, not millions. We have millions in this budget. We need billions. We have to be clear about that.
Part of that is to have housing infrastructure, but also many other systems, in place that will make it much easier for women to flee violence and to have also good prevention programs and intervention programs.
:
Please push the provinces. I think advocacy on that will be very important, and certainly I know that they have a federal partner to work with in this government.
Before I go to Ms. Martin, I will say, Mr. VanGorder, that I know you've raised some concerns about OAS. I'm very glad to see that constituents of mine who are 75 and older will be getting that 10% boost, which is a campaign commitment we focused on and obviously are carrying out. What we will not do as a government, clearly, is to do what my Conservative friends had suggested only a few years ago, and I fear would do again, which is to raise the age of eligibility for OAS to 67. That is not something Canadians wanted. We reversed that, and we remain focused on the needs of seniors.
Ms. Martin, I wonder if you could speak about one of the.... Not “one of”: I think it's fair to say that it's the central piece of the budget that was just unveiled a few days ago, and that is the national early learning and child care program. How might that help the women in need you work with at your organization and who the shelters across the country, quite frankly, work with and serve?
I have two questions for Mr. VanGorder.
Mr. VanGorder, thank you very much for the incredible work of CARP activists across the country, including in British Columbia. We have a lot of time for the research you do. The folks in CARP are incredibly dedicated and offer lots for the public policy that would improve the quality of life of Canada's seniors.
First, during this pandemic we've seen for-profit long-term care homes—I'm thinking of companies like Extendicare, Chartwell, Sienna Living—receive millions of dollars in supports from the federal government. At the same time, they paid $172 million in shareholder dividends. In their facilities so far, tragically, 761 residents and workers have died of COVID. Of course in the long-term care sector there is massive concern about federal funding going for dividends and executive bonuses rather than being applied to provide a good standard of care to residents. Is that a matter of concern for folks in CARP?
Second, the increase in the OAS that is proclaimed in the budget only affects seniors over 75. Seniors from 65 to 75 are often living in poverty. Does the organization not feel that it's important for increases in the OAS to provide supports to all seniors?
:
Thank you for both questions.
On the first one, CARP believes strongly that there are problems in long-term care in all sectors. That's why we're so concerned about having immediate, enforceable, monitored and followed through on standards for all long-term care.
Our experience and our belief is that it's not a case of for-profit and not-for-profit. I happen to live in Nova Scotia where our biggest problem with long-term care, as Mr. Fraser knows, was in a not-for-profit facility.
It has to do with lack of proper funding, proper support and proper standards that people will have. Whether they are for-profit or not-for-profit, much of that is very murky. In many parts of the country the not-for-profit ones owned by municipalities and governments are older and in worse shape than the newer for-profit ones.
We look at long-term care as an issue for all sectors and not just one of them. We think it would be very unfortunate if the same standards weren't applied to everybody, whether it's for profit or not for profit.
On your second question—
:
I will reconvene the meeting.
Welcome to the second panel of meeting number 36 of the Standing Committee on Finance.
We are meeting on COVID-19 spending, programs and related monetary policy.
Witnesses, we are going to be disrupted by a vote. We will come back. The bells will ring at 5:45 and the vote should be at 6:15 Ottawa time. If we have authority from the committee, we can probably keep meeting until about 10 minutes before the vote, but we'll see when the time comes.
We'll start with the first witnesses.
Welcome to the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers, Mr. Brunnen, vice-president, oil sands, fiscal and economic policy. You have been before the committee before. A strong welcome to you, Ben. Go ahead.
:
Good afternoon, Mr. Chairperson and members of the committee. Thank you for having me here today.
I am vice-president of oil sands, fiscal and economic policy with the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers. We represent the upstream oil and gas industry.
COVID-19 significantly impacted our sector. Reduced energy demand led oil and gas companies to reduce capital spending by $10.8 billion, or 31%, last year. Oil and gas job losses are estimated at approximately 135,000 in 2020.
Three specific federal programs provided support to industry in 2020. First is the Canada emergency wage subsidy. StatsCan estimates the program paid out a total of $69 billion to date for all industries. We estimate that our industry received $694 million, or 1%, from the program in total. Our members accessed the program during the first six months, from March to August, and largely stopped accessing it after that.
This program was critical to the upstream industry at a time of crisis, was likely responsible for the preservation of thousands of jobs and was well designed so that when the crisis had passed from an acute perspective, it would no longer provide support to our sector.
Second is the orphaned and inactive oil and gas wells program, which provided $1.72 billion in federal funding to the western provinces. This program has been critical in terms of its ability to provide upstream oil and gas and service companies with additional revenue during the crisis, which preserved jobs while supporting investment in closure and reclamation obligations.
To date, the multi-year program is approximately 50% allocated and has leveraged roughly $600 million in industry funds. It is estimated that the program has created approximately 2,000 jobs across three western provinces.
Third, Export Development Canada and Business Development Canada provided liquidity to companies through the BCAP programs.
Through its direct lend program, EDC joined bank syndicates for reserve-based borrowing companies on an equal basis. Limitations included prohibitions on dividends, debt repayment, share buybacks and executive compensation increases. Companies were also required to report climate disclosures consistent with the guidance of the TCFD.
EDC also provided bonding support for companies to free up cash flow under its existing programs. The BDC provided short-term subordinate loans to companies with fixed repayment terms to assist with access to credit.
All in, the BCAP programs provided $1 billion in liquidity support to between 10 to 15 companies, based on market-aligned lending terms. These programs proved to be critical for companies that found themselves in acute distress due to sudden and significant liquidity constraints arising from the pandemic.
CAPP and its members are appreciative of the federal government for its support of industry during this challenging time.
With the worst of the pandemic likely behind us, now is the time to think about measures to advance the economic recovery. In our 2021 forecast, we anticipated that a 14% increase in upstream investment would occur. This year's forecast represents the stabilizing of industry investment and the beginning of a longer-term recovery.
With global oil and gas demand expected to increase under IEA forecasts, combined with an increased focus on GHG emissions reduction, government can work with industry to position Canada as the supplier of choice and lead a strong economic recovery for Canadians.
The federal government has adopted an approach to drive objectives through strategic and targeted subsidies for all industries, aiming to decrease GHG footprints and improve environmental performance through national interest in industrial policy. Key measures in the 2021 federal budget that could be instrumental relate to clean-tech investment and sustainable finance.
Regarding clean tech, the proposed investment tax credit for carbon capture, utilization and storage is a welcome commitment. The design of this credit will need to reflect the economic realities of implementing CCUS on a commercial scale, particularly when it comes to achieving the government's stated goal of reducing emissions by at least 15 megatonnes of CO2 annually, up from four megatonnes currently.
The government indicated that consultation would be forthcoming, and we look forward to the opportunity to contribute.
Second, the incremental $5 billion added to the net zero accelerator fund has the potential to stimulate material investment in other GHG-reducing technologies, such as methane, facility efficiency and electrification. We believe there is potential for material emissions reduction, depending on the availability and design of the program.
On the issue of sustainable finance, the government committed to increase climate-related disclosures and to publish a green bond framework, issuing its first green bond worth $5 billion. The issue is a top priority for CAPP, particularly in the areas of emissions reduction, indigenous engagement, diversity, air, land and water use and process and personal safety. CAPP is supportive of Canada creating its own sustainable finance green bond framework that accommodates oil and natural gas in the economy.
We also support a global sustainability reporting standard that is universally recognized and builds on existing frameworks, such as what the IFRS has proposed sustainability standards for.
Finally, we encourage the government to prioritize the need for better comparability of international ESG data. Significant independently verified data exists in Canada but does not in many other jurisdictions. As a result, our industry is perceived to have poorer performance than our peers, largely due to the incompleteness of their data.
Thank you for the opportunity to present today. I look forward to the discussion.
I’d like to acknowledge that I’m joining you from Ottawa on the traditional unceded territory of the Algonquin Anishinabeg people.
[Translation]
I 'm pleased to speak to you on behalf of Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation.
As Canada's national housing agency, we are guided by an ambitious goal: to ensure that by 2030, everyone in Canada has a place to call home they can afford and that meets their needs.
This goal has never been more relevant. Housing affordability is a top concern for Canadians—and it has only been heightened by the COVID-19 pandemic.
[English]
At CMHC, our work to improve affordability is driven largely by the national housing strategy, a 10-year, $70-billion-plus plan to give more Canadians a place to call home.
Most national housing strategy programs focus on those Canadians who are most vulnerable. The strategy also focuses on addressing the biggest challenge to affordability, which is the lack of housing supply. As such, it includes large-scale programs to encourage projects that build new rental homes and renovate existing ones.
The national housing strategy also includes significant funding for housing innovation and research. We recognize that we cannot achieve our aspiration simply by doing things the way they have always been done. Innovative, new ideas and approaches are needed.
One way we are looking for new ideas is through our solutions labs, a $30-million, 10-year program approved by Parliament as part of the national housing strategy that examines persistent, complex housing issues. solutions labs brings together diverse stakeholders, including experts in the field, housing providers, developers and people with lived expertise to quickly develop potential solutions to some of the most difficult challenges facing our housing system today. These project teams are supported by expert consultants, who help design and implement labs that provide a safe space for diverse perspectives to come together, for assumptions to be questioned and for new ideas to emerge and be tested.
It’s within this context that CMHC worked with Generation Squeeze and other stakeholders to establish a Solutions Lab to examine issues relating to housing, wealth and inequality and how to improve housing affordability for Canadians. As of December 31, CMHC had provided funding to a total of 47 solutions labs. I would like to share some examples with you today.
One of the most advanced labs is examining how we can help increase access to suitable housing for Canadians who are released from the federal prison system after completing their sentences. These individuals are often released with no identification, no money and no supports in place. You can imagine the challenges they face in finding a place to live, especially with a criminal record. This lab is also exploring opportunities for ex-prisoners to find jobs in the housing construction industry, including possibly helping to build tiny homes they might one day occupy themselves.
Another lab is creating a road map to remove barriers to shelters and other services for women and transgender people who have been victims of violence. The ideas and materials generated by this lab will help to develop adaptable housing and supports for these vulnerable groups.
We are also funding a Solutions Lab entitled “Housing through an autism lens: A pathway from crisis.” Supports for people on the autism spectrum typically end when the individual reaches age 18, so access to affordable housing is a major issue for autistic adults. Barriers can include everything from knowing what to look for in a suitable house to understanding leases and how to share space with others. The end product of this lab will hopefully be an integrated set of flexible housing-related supports, services and bricks and mortar solutions that will be broadly adopted so that autistic adults have better experiences with housing.
These are just a few examples of the close to four dozen solutions labs that have been supported by the national housing strategy. Each is unique, and each is doing groundbreaking work that will lead to better housing outcomes for Canadians.
Mr. Chair, thank you for the opportunity to speak about this unique approach to solving complex housing challenges across the country.
I’d be happy to take questions from the committee.
Thank you.
:
Ladies and gentlemen members of Parliament, thank you very much for your invitation.
You have received my notes, but I had to make some adjustments to my testimony as a result of Monday's budget.
We all know that since March 2020 the pandemic has shaken the labour world and the economy, forcing, in 2020 alone, nearly nine million people into unemployment. This number should never be forgotten. Almost nine million people received the Canada emergency response benefit in 2020. Last year, 45% of the workforce lost their jobs at some point. The world of work and the economy was hit with a shock almost unheard of in recent history, other than the 1929 crash and subsequent Great Depression.
There are two key lessons from last year: first, the crisis has exposed the flaws in the employment insurance program, which should have immediately played the role expected of it and helped people who lost their jobs. Instead, employment insurance collapsed and had to be quickly replaced by emergency programs, such as the Canada emergency response benefit and the Canada emergency wage subsidy.
With the CERB ending at the end of September 2020, the employment insurance program was put back on track. People had time to think. Flexible measures were created that were ingenious and welcome. Other income support programs were put in place, administered by the agency—
:
Beginning in September 2020, the government introduced programs to replace the Canada emergency response benefit, known as CERB, including the Canada recovery benefit, or CRB. Administered by the Canada Revenue Agency, the CRB provides income support to those who are not eligible for employment insurance, or EI, meaning, self-employed workers.
The second thing we have learned is this. Last year's collapse of the EI program—a serious situation—is mostly due to the numerous cutbacks made in the 1990s, specifically from 1990 to 1996, under two different governments. The past 25 to 30 years have been spent under something of a leaden blanket. All that time, the government had the EI program in a straitjacket, if you will, to keep the program from doing its job. We saw what happened last year.
Without the emergency measures put in place in the spring of 2020—CERB, the Canada emergency student benefit, the flexible EI regime, the CRB, and the Canada emergency wage subsidy, or CEWS—we would have seen misery in our towns and villages, as our grandparents saw in the 1930s. The support measures have helped people not only pay the bills and keep their heads above water, but also inject a considerable amount of money into the local economy. The government has been there to help people and avoid what could have been even worse.
To our knowledge, this is the first time in the country's history that a government has responded so strongly to support its population in the face of such a serious crisis. The government introduced streamlined programs, while covering sectors previously overlooked by the EI program. It is, in a way, a true social Marshall Plan that the government has put in place since last year.
Some elements have yet to be fixed. First, the administrative delays for EI are still very long. Second, the Canada Revenue Agency and Service Canada work in silos. The poor communication between the two agencies is resulting in longer wait times and mistakes.
In addition, a March 2021 study by the International Monetary Fund, or IMF, suggested avoiding a premature withdrawal of support programs, while underscoring that the lessons learned from the crisis provide an excellent opportunity to review the EI system, including its role as an economic stabilizer. I don't say this kind of thing often, but the IMF is right. Until the crisis is over and as long as EI is not reformed, support programs to help self-employed workers must continue. The measures in Monday's budget appear to move in that direction, but the changes to EI need to go beyond temporary fixes.
The government has had time to make up its mind. When it comes to EI, no stone has been left unturned, every problem has been identified and all the solutions have been on the table for 25 years. Now is the time to permanently reform the system.
A crisis like the one we are experiencing can become the necessary trigger to rethink the importance of our social safety net. It happened in the past, during the dirty thirties and after the Second World War. This crisis should lead us to rebuild the foundation of the EI program, with two objectives: expanded coverage for self-employed workers, with better access for seasonal and precarious workers, indigenous communities and part-time workers; and improved protection.
Something else we must reflect on is the environmental transition and the need for determined actions. This COVID-19 pandemic may just be a big rehearsal before the next crisis, the climate crisis. We have huge challenges ahead of us and we must be up to the task.
We believe that this government has demonstrated its capacity to initiate such a shift and that it can do so by reaching out to constructive opposition and civil society.
Thank you.
:
My name is Ian MacPherson. I am the executive director of the Prince Edward Island Fishermen’s Association.
We appreciate the invitation to present and will be speaking to the support programs that have been put in place for harvesters and the impacts of these programs during the past year.
We would first like to acknowledge the ongoing and heroic efforts of our front-line workers across Canada and all those who are working toward assisting our industries in a return to a more normal situation.
I would like to acknowledge the many companies and individuals who were negatively impacted and continue to be impacted by the pandemic.
Our sector was in a very unique situation in that the seasonal start-up was scheduled at a time when most industries in Canada were scaling back or shutting down.
The PEIFA represents over 1,260 captains who are core licence-holders on Prince Edward Island. Most fleets employ two additional crew members for day-to-day operations.
For the close to 4,000-plus harvesters and crew who were preparing to start a spring fishing season, quite simply March 2020 was full of uncertainty. On Prince Edward Island, our harvesting sector is intrinsically tied to the processing sector primarily on the island and in New Brunswick. As air travel between many countries was at a standstill, sufficient staffing at the production plants was also a challenge.
On the harvesting side, questions such as would there be a season, and if so, how long, what are the protocols for safety, and would they be able to meet their financial obligations were front and centre on everyone’s mind. A two-week delay to the start of an eight-week spring fishing season added to this anxiety.
Another primary concern was the availability of traditional worldwide markets from both a transportation and market demand perspective. As the world was on an uncharted path, market outlooks were uncertain and unpredictable. To address these uncertainties, a number of harvesting sector organizations developed contingency plans for various scenarios. In the case of the PEIFA, this included ongoing dialogue with our board, committee members, other harvester organizations, provincial ministers, MLAs, processors, buyers, federal members of Parliament and federal fisheries minister . The focus of these numerous calls was to organize a spring fishing season and ensure that support programs could be developed to address any economic shortfalls.
On P.E.I., winter and ice conditions restrict us to the spring and fall seasons for our major lobster fisheries. The federal government had a number of programs in place to address more traditional businesses, but the fishing industry has some unique aspects that did not make these programs workable. To address these gaps, the PEIFA and other fishing organizations listed and detailed programs that could assist fishers in vulnerable areas. In addition, the provincial government also worked closely with industry to provide additional programs that could address gaps the federal programs did not cover. After much discussion and hard work, a suite of programs was launched that did assist most of the harvesters. In a number of cases the program parameters did need modifications to be more effective, and we appreciate that our concerns were listened to.
It is important to note that some programs contained a clawback or qualification provision if harvester revenues were stronger than anticipated. The programs that assisted with crew wages, CEWS, and the fish harvester benefit and grant program were heavily subscribed. Based on the feedback I received, the Canada emergency business account, CEBA, did not receive the degree of uptake it could have due to business number and expense thresholds. The program was modified several times, and the program did have the net equivalent benefit of the fish harvester benefit program. However, access to more operating funds would have been a significant help to some fleets.
It is important to note that most if not all first-year captains were not able to take part in most or all of these programs due to program qualification criteria. The PEIFA and other organizations lobbied for changes and offered up ways to establish a previous year’s income, but without success.
Although the outlook for 2021 is more positive, we are still not free of the COVID-19 virus. The Prince Edward Island Fishermen’s Association suggests these programs be made available again in 2021 with some suggested changes to once again support a major food sector in Canada.
Last year brought some immense challenges but also provided an opportunity for industry and government to work together towards a common goal.
Thank you again for the opportunity to present. I would welcome any questions at the appropriate time.
Members of the committee, my name is Gisèle Tassé-Goodman and I am the president of the Réseau FADOQ. With me today is Danis Prud'homme, our chief executive. I would like to thank the members of the committee for inviting us.
The Réseau FADOQ is an association for people 50-plus and has over 550,000 members. All of our political outreach is aimed at improving seniors' quality of life. As we have all seen, seniors were the first victims of COVID-19. A number of programs and expenditures were undertaken to support seniors during the pandemic.
The federal government is fond of pointing out that it provided nearly $1,500 in additional support to low-income senior couples. First, a payment was made in April through the GST credit, but was provided to all Canadians. Second, payments came in the form of one-time top-ups to old age security, or OAS, and the guaranteed income supplement, or GIS. As far as implementing those measures is concerned, the payments were slow in coming.
In fact, Canada's seniors had to wait until July 2020 before receiving financial support through the OAS pension and GIS. If the government had kept its 2019 promise and increased OAS payments by 10% in March 2020, senior couples would have received more than $1,500, just through the OAS.
Nonetheless, the Réseau FADOQ applauds the for keeping his 2019 budget commitment. Our association did, however, recommend that the 10% OAS pension increase apply to everyone eligible for the pension, so as not to create two classes of seniors. The federal government's ad-hoc payments to the provinces and territories in support of health care were also welcome, but the government would have done well to specifically address the enhanced indexing of the Canada health transfer in the recent budget.
While funding was earmarked for long-term care and palliative care, it will no doubt be tied to conditions. We are eager to see how and when the funding will be allocated in Quebec.
Our organization was pleased to see that support was provided to community organizations in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The Réseau FADOQ appreciates the new horizons for seniors program, which provides direct support to various organizations, and welcomes the additional investment to expand the program.
Similarly, the Réseau FADOQ was happy with the $90 million earmarked in the recent budget to directly support community groups that provide home services. Another way the government has helped seniors during the pandemic is to temporarily extend GIS and allowance payments for eligible seniors whose income information had not yet been received at the time of the budget.
The Réseau FADOQ supports a grace period for GIS recipients who do not file their income tax returns on time, and that grace period should always be in effect. In our 2019 election pamphlet, our organization recommended a period of up to three months. In the same pamphlet, we recommended extending a deceased person's OAS payments to their surviving spouse for three months. Currently, the payment can be received only for the month in which the death occurs, and any payments received after that must be repaid. Such a measure would give grieving seniors time to reorganize their finances.
Lastly, the Réseau FADOQ applauds the pandemic support measure to reduce the required minimum withdrawal from registered retirement income funds, RRIFs. Our organization appreciates the measure but called for a further reduction, if not suspension, of the mandatory withdrawal requirement for 2020.
Many seniors rely on RRIFs to support their retirement goals, which the pandemic has upended. Even though their plans have been put on hold, some seniors were forced to withdraw their hard-earned savings, which they had spent their entire careers building.
Thank you to the committee members for this opportunity.
Mr. Prud'homme would be happy to answer your questions.
Thank you.
I have been requested today to speak about a solutions lab I lead in partnership with the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation called Wealth and the Problem of Housing Inequity across Generations in Canada. I do so as a UBC professor and founder of Generation Squeeze, a university community collaboration.
Our lab is an exciting one because it's searching for solutions to Canada's housing affordability challenges caused by the fact that we have a growing, even skyrocketing, gap between local earnings and average home prices. That wider gap between home prices and earnings creates wealth inequalities, especially between owners and renters, and also between generations that bought homes decades ago and those who are starting out in the housing market today. In addition, the gap imposes dramatic unaffordability barriers, especially for younger generations of renters and aspiring owners, newcomers of any age and seniors who are renters. Within those groups the barriers can be particularly great for indigenous residents and Canadians of colour.
Given all of that, the growing gap between home prices and earnings turns out to be a major impediment to the CMHC's ambitious goal that all Canadians can afford a home that meets their needs by 2030. At Generation Squeeze, we think that goal is so important that we've embraced it as our own, and we encourage all in Canada to do the same. In pursuit of the goal, we aim to disrupt a root cause of the growing gap between home prices and earnings.
Our lab starts with the recognition that if a pandemic-induced recession does not deflate home prices, then we can no longer ignore the probability that our housing system is actually structured, even if unintentionally, to grow housing values out of reach for local earnings. Indeed, our lab is hypothesizing that many everyday Canadians, myself included, are entangled or incentivized by public policies to bank on profits from home ownership to secure our financial future and gain wealth. By being thus entangled and responding to such policy incentives, we reinforce feedback loops in the housing system that further fuel home prices and wealth inequalities.
My personal story is emblematic of this hypothesis. BC Assessment reported that my home increased by $300,000 in the year before the lab started, and that single-year increase is way more than I earn as a hard-working professor. It gave me a lot of opportunity to leverage the additional housing equity for home improvements and even other investments in the stock market, which I have taken advantage of with the support of the remarkably low interest rates available amid the pandemic. I clearly benefit from rising home prices, but that rising home price is a double-edged sword.
What's been great for my personal finances is hurting some of my other family members who, as renters, struggle to afford an apartment with enough bedrooms for their kids. It's hurting my younger colleagues, who are just as smart as me and just as hard-working as me but who now cannot afford to live where I do. It's hurting my community and country because evidence shows that wealth inequalities and pervasive unaffordability barriers make our economy less efficient while compromising our population's health.
By putting everyday Canadians at the centre of our lab, we know our lab's focus is provocative and potentially uncomfortable. Too often I have participated in housing dialogues where we hear Canadians say that unaffordability is simply the result of others, people over there, like a foreign investor, a money launderer, a speculator, a NIMBY, a developer, a landlord or a realtor. Yes, all of those actors do play a part in Canada's housing unaffordability saga, but our policy-makers have increasingly focused on those other actors as low-hanging fruit. There exist now foreign buyers taxes, speculation taxes, empty homes taxes, new measures to address money laundering, new efforts to address NIMBYism, new rent control policies, new expectations for developers, new regulations for realtors and a lot of efforts aimed at building more housing. Unfortunately—
I was in the midst of giving an energized Zoom experience, talking about how government efforts to pick the low-hanging fruit on housing affordability had proven to have limited lasting influence to dampen down home prices or close the frightening gap between home values and what locals are earning in our cities.
That's why the lab you've asked us to come to talk about is aiming to dig deeper, to move beyond the low-hanging fruit to focus on a more disturbing root cause of the problem: the reality that many everyday Canadians, myself included, are entangled in perpetuating our unsustainable, unaffordable housing system because public policies incline us to organize our wealth strategy in ways that count on home prices rising faster than earnings.
We've organized the lab in this way because we observe that the current national housing strategy, as important as it is, suffers a major omission: Never once does this strategy mention the word “wealth”. By failing to acknowledge wealth, the strategy risks overlooking that a primary reason our country is struggling to restore housing affordability is that few Canadians think rising home prices are uniformly bad. It's quite the opposite. Many regular folks benefit.
It's the good and the bad of rising home prices, then, that are the focus of our lab, along with the competing interests or tensions they create. Our lab has aimed to service those tensions and to service in particular the policy drivers that give rise to them, because those policy drivers hold unique potential to redesign the Canadian housing system in search of win-wins wherever possible, or a better balance of competing interests when win-wins are not in reach.
I look forward to your questions.
Good evening. Thank you to the witnesses for their presentations. I want to apologize for your having to sit through a meeting that was interrupted by a vote.
Since I don't have much time, I will direct my first question to Mr. Prud'homme, from the Réseau FADOQ, and the next one to Mr. Céré, from the National Council of Unemployed Workers.
I want to bring your attention to an article that was written the day before yesterday by business reporter Gérald Fillion. In it, he talks about the support measures for seniors included in the budget, mentioning the $500 payment that will be made to seniors 75-plus in August—presumably, an election will be called shortly thereafter—as well as the 10% increase in the OAS pension that will not come into effect until 2022.
Here is a snippet of what Mr. Fillion says, loosely translated:
Two questions come to mind. First, why not make the 10% increase to old age security effective this year? Second, why do the measures apply only to those 75 and over? Why not seniors 65 and over?
I would like to hear what you have to say about that, Mr. Prud'homme.
:
Thank you for your question.
You raise an interesting point. As our president mentioned in her opening statement, the increase should have happened in March 2020 because the additional OAS income would have brought people a lot of relief.
First of all, age is being used in a discriminatory way. Consequently, the measure discriminates on the basis of age, not income. The measures are supposed to help people with lower incomes, but people with incomes up to $70,000-plus can draw on old age security, so the increase will also apply to people who don't need it.
Second, if the government is going to increase OAS, the measure should apply to all those eligible for OAS, in other words, those 65 and over, not on a discriminatory basis, as is currently the case. The argument is that seniors 75 and over need more money and more care, and we don't dispute that. However, those between the ages of 65 and 74 are also very much in need financially. The GIS provides financial support to the poorest seniors, not those with a $70,000 income who don't need the help.
The money needs to go to the right place to really help those who need it. Since there isn't a lot of money to go around, the government should focus on those who need it.
:
You brought up two aspects. The CRB is basically for those who are not eligible for EI, in other words, self-employed workers, who make up 15% of the workforce—three million people in Canada.
Those who have been out of work since the beginning of the pandemic are counting on that support. Initially, the CRB was available for 26 weeks, but the period was extended to 38 weeks and now 50 weeks, the same as EI. The program is slated to end in September, with nothing more in the offing.
The government says it wants to look into broadening EI coverage to self-employed workers, but there is still no such coverage. That leaves self-employed workers facing a lot of insecurity, with September fast approaching.
As far as the EI measures go, the government had time to study the program, which collapsed last year for all to see. The government had time to rethink the system; it introduced more flexible EI measures back in September. Not only were the measures certainly welcome, but they were also quite smart. The benefit period was extended up to 50 weeks in that case as well. The support is ending in September.
The government has held extensive consultations, really extensive. The minister has a mandate to conduct an in-depth review of the program and modernize it for the 21st century. Monday, when we read over the budget for the first time, we misjudged, because we were expecting the government to make permanent changes, for example, to the eligibility criteria. We quickly came to the realization that it had not, that the measures were still temporary. I think everyone is fed up with temporary measures, pilot projects and the patchwork approach.
The EI program was broken in the 1990s, and that's why it did not do what it was supposed to last year. It's time to reform the program. As I said earlier, no stone has been left unturned; all the solutions have been thought of and costed. It's time to make permanent changes to the EI system.
:
It depends on what you mean by guaranteed basic income. There are many schools of thought.
Is a guaranteed basic income an alternative to all of the support and income replacement measures?
By those measures, I mean every form of income replacement, from occupational illness coverage and wage loss insurance to car insurance. Is the idea to replace all of those things?
If so, it would have to be laid out, but good luck with the constitutional negotiations with the provinces.
If the purpose is to ensure a living wage for everyone, it's a welcome initiative. Provided the EI system undergoes a broad and in-depth review, I think it would be a good starting point. It could be a good place to start, in terms of making sure those who lose their jobs, at the very least, have a basic level of income.