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I call this meeting to order.
This is the commencement of our study on retention and recruitment in the Canadian Armed Forces.
To lead off our study, we have with us Paxton Mayer, a doctoral student in international affairs at the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs at Carleton University; and Professor Alan Okros from the department of defence studies at RMC.
I'll call on Ms. Mayer for her opening five-minute statement, and then go directly to Professor Okros.
Again, thank you for your patience.
Colleagues, I propose to go 10 minutes late, if that's all right. I hope that's all right with our witnesses as well.
Go ahead, Ms. Mayer.
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Hi everyone. Thank you for inviting me to be a witness for your study of recruitment and retention in the Canadian Armed Forces.
This testimony, in addition to the provided brief and reference materials, provides my perspective on why the Canadian Armed Forces struggle with recruitment and retention, and what public perception and organizational changes the CAF should implement in order to face these challenges.
Over the past two years, the CAF's intolerance, harassment and abuse towards women, visible minorities and the LGBTQ+ community have been consistently reported in the media and have therefore become public knowledge. This has surely negatively affected the CAF's recruitment and retention. However, even prior to this wave of publicity, the CAF was having difficulty with the recruitment and retention of its members. This is not a brand new issue.
I understand that the CAF has tried to change this public perception through online advertisements that show diversity. Although it's true that these advertisements include more women and visible minorities than in the past, they still lack the message of inclusion. Most of the ads focus on a single person at a time and often do not show that person interacting positively with others, nor do they show that person's life outside of their job. These ads have failed in the past as they do not show that these diverse individuals are respected and included in the CAF, free to be themselves and able to achieve some kind of work-life balance.
Of course, these ads would only work and are only ethical if this is truly the reality of the CAF. It has been heavily suspected for many years—and it has recently been proven without a doubt—that this is untrue.
Instead of depending on these sorts of ads, the CAF and its civilian oversights, which include the and the , need to publicly admit to their failings and create a full-fledged strategy to ensure that these failings never occur again. The CAF requires an organizational culture change. The implementation of this strategy must consider that there may be resistance within the organization to these changes. Support must be provided to members, both supervisory and non-supervisory, as they move from resistance to exploration to commitment to this change.
Finally, the CAF should implement a clause in its recruitment and performance reviews that allows for the refusal of work to applicants and the removal from the armed forces of current members who are creating an unsafe working environment or who are being exclusionary. Just because the CAF is having issues recruiting and retaining members does not mean it should ever lower its expectations on this. After all, how can Canadians depend on the CAF to keep Canadians and its allies safe when the CAF cannot even keep its own members safe, even in non-conflict zones?
Furthermore, the actual recruitment process of the CAF is hugely inefficient and lacks transparency. This deters potential CAF members, even if they were not deterred by the other shortcomings of the CAF. For instance, the recruitment process can take over a year. Its average length is around 200 days. The CAF's career website and application process expect a university graduate, maybe even a doctor, to submit a job application without knowing the requirements, the salary benefits of the job or the recruitment process and timeline. These issues also partly explain why the CAF has had difficulties retaining its employees.
I would argue that the CAF's retainment challenges are because there are many better opportunities elsewhere for experienced members, such as employers that do not request employees to work in conflict zones, that do not expect their employees to move across country and that have the assets and budgets to provide their employees with competitive salaries and working equipment.
A compounding challenge for the CAF's retention and recruitment goals is that many families now depend on two incomes. However, when one partner is required to move to remote locations for their career, it becomes practically impossible for the other partner to hold a job, let alone have any career independence. Further, it's difficult for CAF members' children to be constantly switching schools and making new friends. The CAF needs to look at the possibility of CAF members being guaranteed the ability to stay in a single location for a long period of time and provide more flexible arrangements for families. These then need to be communicated to current members and potential members.
The CAF, the Government of Canada and, honestly, Canadians as well, need to realize that the CAF is competing with private corporations and even other government organizations for talent but is lacking the resources to win. To mitigate this, the CAF must be given the ability to increase its salary budget, must create a welcoming and supportive work environment and must determine new ways of working that provide more stability for its members and its members' families.
In conclusion, the CAF has multiple challenges to overcome in order to improve its recruitment and retention. At the end of the day, it is my belief that Canadians will choose to work for an organization they trust, that is transparent with career potential and possibilities, that provides a safe, diverse and welcoming environment, and that stands behind and supports its employees. Unfortunately, the CAF is not currently this type of organization, although I believe it could become one if it generally worked towards organizational change.
Thank you for your time. I really appreciate it.
It's my pleasure to provide comments to the committee on CAF recruitment and retention. I’m speaking from Toronto. I have provided my land acknowledgement in my written submission. My comments will be in English.
I’ve been engaged in aspects of research, policy and delivery related to CAF recruiting and retention since serving in recruiting in the late 1970s. I recently conducted research on the future youth cohort to inform CAF decision-making, and I am making contributions to culture change initiatives.
To start, as Paxton has highlighted, two recent factors are of importance for the CAF: [Technical difficulty—Editor] throughput, which resulted in shortages of qualified CAF members, and the adverse publicity over sexual harassment, which has resulted in some declines in the number of women applying to join. There are no magic solutions to correct either of these overnight, although both are top of mind for senior leaders.
More broadly, the CAF is facing long-term trends that are making recruiting more difficult. The battle for talent requires CAF to expand the pool of applicants. Three intersecting factors are of importance. The first is the increasing diversity across Canadian society, with a shrinking proportion of straight white men in the CAF’s traditional recruiting pool. The second is that a number of young people are entering the workforce lacking required work knowledge or life skills. There is significant competition across employers for those who have successfully completed post-secondary education, and the percentage of these graduates who are straight white men is shrinking faster than in the overall population. The third factor is increased urbanization and the number of young adults seeking to live in major cities, many of whom come from diverse backgrounds and are well educated. Joining the regular force means leaving these cities, which is why the demographics of the reserves differ from those of the regular force.
We then hit the challenge that CAF is not one job but offers one hundred, and that many Canadians have only superficial knowledge of the military, have different reasons for joining and have a myriad of questions. Recruiting is an intense personal activity with both the CAF and the applicant trying to assess the right fit.
The CAF needs to attract more talented, educated and diverse Canadians. It is facing stiff competition from other employers and from the bright lights of the big cities, and it needs to invest in expanding capacities to attract, inform and select the right people.
On retention, I’ll note that the CAF actually has lower attrition rates than the militaries of most allies. Again, while COVID and sexual harassment issues have likely played a role in some leaving, the main factors have remained the same for many years. A key is the challenge of balancing work and personal life. The CAF requires a lot from individuals and puts pressures on their families.
Demands due to operations and deployments, going away for training and moving across the country are significant. The constant juggling of time and attention becomes too much, as do the issues of partners lacking stability to pursue careers, the frictions of moving houses, finding new family health care providers, trying to get the kids signed up for sports teams, etc. The CAF actually provides more geographic stability than our American or Australian counterparts do, but these countries invest more in family support systems, whereas CAF members and their families are forced to fend more for themselves.
The British Army has a slogan: recruit the soldier, retain the family. Fiscal decisions have made this more difficult to achieve, and some policies still reflect the assumption that every member with children has a full-time homemaker to look after them.
Further, attention needs to shift from how many people are leaving the CAF to which people are leaving. There are serious issues when these are more women, diverse folk or those from different cultural backgrounds, and especially when they do so because they can’t reach their full potential. Who is getting promoted versus who is being held back in their career is an important factor.
Finally, I’ll suggest that the key issue for government is not the number of individuals in uniform but what capabilities the CAF can generate and sustain. As has been demonstrated over the last two years, the CAF has significant flexibility to respond to unique taskings, but there are limits. Answering these demands has come at a cost. Part of what is needed to address recruitment and retention issues is actually the work of government, not of internal defence leaders. They require either more predictability or the funding to enable increased flexibility.
The key questions are these: What do Canadians want their military to be able to do, and what is government prepared to invest to ensure that they can?
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has focused attention on Canada's contributions to NATO, but we're about to enter flood season, followed by forest fire season, followed by potential ice storms or snowmageddons. Also, Canadians would still like us to have more than just a token few UN blue berets.
I look forward to your questions.
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There are two parts to this. There certainly are some individuals who are required to leave the military because they are not a good fit for the military. This usually happens in the first year to three years of military service. On occasion it's because they're unable to meet the training requirements or meet the performance requirements. On some occasions, it's because of their professional conduct. There were certainly instances in the news recently of cases of young people joining who were not displaying professional conduct out on the west coast. The military can engage in remedial action, trying to assist these people to understand the values, the standards and the behaviours, but on occasion, they're not a good fit and they leave.
The other reason, of course, is that, as I said, a large number of Canadians have limited knowledge of the military. As much as the recruiting system tries to inform them, once they join and find out what military life is really like, for example what army camping really consists of or that going to sea on the North Atlantic is not like canoeing on Lake Ontario, there are people who realize it's not a good fit for them.
In the long term, for those who get past that initial adjustment, the real reasons for people leaving have to do with work-life balance and all the pressures on families.
Thank you to both of our witnesses today.
I'm going to begin with Dr. Okros, along the same lines as what both of my colleagues just mentioned on the notion of universality of service. You also mentioned climate change during your testimony in the beginning. We're about to face the floods, forest fires and different things that we have not been focusing on because of our shift in focus to Ukraine now and to NATO in general.
Suppose CAF were to work differently and try to retain or at least recruit new members in a completely different category, for natural events or things that happen here, to help protect Canadians at home. Do you see a benefit to changing the way we look at things and changing the way CAF currently works on recruitment so that people who don't necessarily feel attracted to engaging in combat outside of Canada could come and offer services to their country, to help during a flood situation, for example?
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My basic comment is, yes, I think there is value in considering this. There are other countries that have differentiated individuals, so some countries have more domestic response capability, either in the military but with different conditions of service or in a different organization.
As Canadians start to recognize that what we used to consider once-in-a-century weather events are now going to be happening much more often, I think there is a likelihood that the Canadian Armed Forces might be called on more frequently. This is part of why I said we need to decide what we want the CAF to do, because right now, the military is structured to deliver on what it's been tasked with doing, but then it gets hit with these occasional requirements.
Alternate models could have people who are just focused on a domestic context. Potentially restructuring the reserves and so on are all things that could be considered, but it's a complex military system, so they need to be studied properly rather than going to short-term solutions that can cause unintended consequences.
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First, I would say that the government and civilian oversight should take more of a stand and provide guidance to the CAF. It's our responsibility.
However, within the CAF, I would suggest that the biggest tool for change could be building allyship and pushing away the idea of the innocent bystander on these issues. If we improve the training to allow people to understand what harassment is and what abuse is, how to notice this harassment and what to do and what to say when it occurs, then everyone in the organization who applies this training could slowly change the organizational culture.
Unfortunately, though, this requires quite a bit of leadership support. Within the CAF—and even outside the CAF, in the civilian oversight—we're seeing that there's not that much accountability, unfortunately. To me, the biggest thing the government can do outside of the CAF is to show that accountability, to take accountability for the mistakes and really push the CAF to make those changes.
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The first point that I would bring up is the recruitment process itself. Right now, when you apply to the CAF as a university graduate for an officer position, they don't ask any information about your resume or your CV. You provide simple, personal details and they ask you to choose your top three positions. They say that someone else will reach out to you and administer a test to see if you are actually qualified for these positions.
When competing with private corporations, you submit a full application and they go through many initial questions. Even applying to the government, they do the same thing. As an applicant, they feel like they're getting through the process. With the CAF, they're not getting through a process. The CAF is wasting a lot of resources putting people in charge of this process, which could be somewhat automated. This increases the whole length of the process.
Private corporations hire within months so that the person is working in the position, whereas in the CAF it's a year or more. Sometimes the training takes over a year as well. To compete with private corporations, the CAF needs to quicken this recruitment timeline and make it clearer to applicants what the job requirements are, what the salary is and what the process is.
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Thank you very much to the two witnesses for being with us today.
My questions are general and are for Ms. Mayer and Dr. Okros.
There's been a lot of talk about people leaving the Canadian Forces, but I feel like there's not necessarily a lot of talk about those who stay.
Many may choose to stay in the Canadian Forces because they love what they do, but is it possible that some stay because they have no other choice?
Can the fact that military personnel are unhappy in their jobs contribute, in some cases, to the toxic climate in the Canadian Forces?
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Yes. I would agree that there needs to be more information about certain positions. The CAF does have recruitment specialists who talk with candidates. I think there is an opportunity for candidates to ask questions. I think the issue, though, is that candidates may not know what kinds of questions to ask. Because the CAF website is so general in a lot of senses, I do think it lacks quite a bit of information. I think it would be helpful for the CAF to provide more information on each individual job.
As Professor Okros said, there are so many different positions and so many different job requirements within the CAF that to have just general pages on salaries, for example, doesn't really answer questions on a particular job. Including that, and maybe providing an FAQ section during the recruitment process, would be helpful.
This would require, though, the CAF garnering more data on its recruits, more data on its employees, disaggregated data. [Technical difficulty—Editor] surprises were there when CAF members joined. They didn't realize that this position included certain tasks and things like that. Therefore, I think there needs to be more communication. I think the recruitment officer could be a good starting point for that, for sure.
Thank you to both witnesses for appearing today.
In the last Parliament, I sat on the status of women committee, and we studied sexual misconduct in the military. We heard from Major Kellie Brennan, who said that General Vance was “untouchable”. Sadly last week we saw him walk away from criminal charges. It was quite a disappointing response from the judge involved, in my view at least.
There's seemingly all over an idea or certainly the impression, whether it's a prime minister, a former minister, a judge, internally within the CAF or externally in the civilian courts, that there isn't that accountability or that culture change happening. There's certainly a willingness, and I believe there have been a lot of conversations from the new minister and from General Eyre about wanting to change. In terms of this recruitment and retention, how do they get past the impressions that we're still seeing repeatedly in the media?
This is to both witnesses, please.
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It depends on the country, but there is more that is offered in terms of things like assisting family members with some of the examples that I gave, such as securing a family doctor.
For example, in the American system, families can draw on their military medical system for some of their services. The Australians provide some referral services so that, when they change states in Australia, the family on their own doesn't have to go out and get on a long waiting list for family doctors. There are referral services and networks for spousal employment and even with the recreation facilities that are available at bases. Again, a lot of parents struggle with getting the kids signed up for swimming lessons.
Other countries provide more of those kinds of services. They used to be available at Canadian bases and wings. Over a period of time with budget cuts, those are areas that have been cut out. As I said, in terms of family housing, there are a number of areas where other countries provide support for families that the Canadian military has had to cut back on because there are no funds for it. There's more of a focus in the CAF on the fact that you're living on the economy and, to some extent, you're living on your own.
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Certainly. In the majority of cases, child care, and particularly after-hours child care and on weekends, are the kinds of child care services that need to be provided. Again, when people get deployed, it's not like signing your kids up for the typical workday child care system.
There have been some efforts to try to provide some of that, but, again, some of Canada's allies provide a lot more funding to support that because the recognition is that, by supporting the family, you're actually allowing the person in uniform to do their job. You're enabling them to deploy or go away for training without causing significant tensions or pressures on the home front, or causing them to have to eventually quit because they can't juggle it all.
There are areas where there could be increased support for families that would have a direct consequence on retention.
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The quick comment I would make with that one is that the recruiting process is a layered process. Paxton has referred to some of what is available when you initially go online and look at things.
There's a reason for that, because the CAF needs to be able to get to a certain stage to be able to start doing things like security clearances, or medicals, etc. It's a lengthy process with multiple stages and there are differential rates for how many men are successful versus how many women. For example, a smaller percentage of women traditionally have made it through the system to actually get on the waiting lists and be enrolled. It's an area the military has been looking at.
The other part with this is that it really depends on the occupation. There are some occupations.... Pilot is an obvious example. There are all sorts of people who would love to be pilots and have the organization pay for them to learn how to be a pilot. Therefore, you can be very competitive for the pilots but far less competitive for other occupations that aren't high-demand occupations. It really varies across the CAF.
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I'm sorry, Dr. Okros. For the sake of time I'm going to keep moving on.
My colleague, Ms. Lambropoulos, brought this up. Do you think Canadians join the Canadian Forces to be peacekeepers, national security defenders or civil domestic emergency responders? Could that be one of the reasons why we have a recruitment and retention problem, because people aren't signing up to be respond to civil issues, domestic issues in our country?
You touched on what the Americans have, the National Guard. Is this something that we as a country should seriously consider so that those who want to be in our armed forces are not taken away from the armed forces' responsibilities to deal with domestic issues, like a national guard or like civil emergency responders, and actually have two separate responsibilities?
I think that has merit, which I think I heard both of you or one of you say earlier.
The issue is that it doesn't do a great job of appealing to a wider demographic. As Professor Okros has said, it does not do a very good job of communicating directly to niche, diverse groups within Canada. On the sponsorship of certain sports, for example, for baseball, the demographic is older, white and male. Compare that with perhaps the NBA, where at least the demographic is younger. That would be more effective, for example. Moreover, the advertisements that are often shown show a very exciting job position and that could affect retainment, especially in that one- to three-year range when people realize that it is not all helicopters all day long. There's a lot more that goes into being a CAF member.
In order to be able to address recruitment and retention problems in the military, the existing problems need to be clearly defined. However, there is a lot of talk about a kind of code of silence in the military, which makes it rather difficult to get accurate information from the military about the problems that exist.
Is the fact that the code of silence prevents the right information consistent with reality?
Can this hinder future changes to the hostile work environment?
I just want to take this opportunity to thank our speakers for taking time out of their schedules. I was fortunate enough, in my prior life before being an MP, to be the mayor of Essa Township, which has the largest training base on it, which is Base Borden. A lot of the military go through there all the time.
I can tell you, one of the comments that I heard earlier, which was important, was about the lifestyle. Especially now, it's changed over the years. They used to live on the base and now they live in the community. It's not so much the same as it was years ago, so they actually increased the wages at one point in time so they could buy houses in our town. Now the problem is that the average home is $800,000. I'm just wondering if people are looking into that when they're deciding to join the military.
It's certainly like you said with the spouse, the importance of getting involved in sports or teaching our kids hockey, all of the events. They are part of our community now. It's really changed. I'm just wondering if that is part of the reason we're maybe not getting more applications.
Thank you, both, for being here.
Dr. Okros, you talked about an example out of the U.K. that was doing it well, in terms of the family unit and supports.
Is there another jurisdiction, or maybe it is the U.K., that you think is doing it well and that Canada should look to, overall, on recruitment and retention issues? The kind of ultra masculine approach to the armed forces is not unique to Canada and sexual misconduct [Technical difficulty—Editor ]. You worked in the U.S. a bit on the “don't ask, don't tell” policy. This is not unique. It is certainly a highly macho kind of industry, so how do you break down not only the stereotypes but also the reality of what's actually happening and the systemic issues?
Are there jurisdictions that kind of acknowledge the damage that this has done and have made significant progress, or have done really strategic things that either of you could point to? This is going to take a while to really flow through the system, but is there a jurisdiction that we could look to that you think has done a lot of positives in this regard?
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I have two quick comments, if I could. First, on retention, we mentioned the issue of housing. I would look to the Australians and their policies on housing. That's one place I'd look at.
Second, on the sexual harassment issue, certainly, the Five Eyes are all looking at the same issues at the same time. The general consensus from the other countries is that Canada is leading. Canada has been more willing to be open about it, to challenge it and to question it.
With the strategies that have been put forward over the last year—some that Paxton has spoken about—such as new policy announcements on the importance of inclusion and the importance of character, and the areas that senior leaders are talking about in terms of where the CAF is going to go, the Canadian Armed Forces are leading the Five Eyes. They're all watching to see how these things work.
I wanted to touch on something in terms of recruitment as well, in terms of cultural experiences. I've said this before at this committee, so my colleagues may have already heard this. I was in municipal politics before. We had a very similar [Technical difficulty—Editor ] firefighters, new police officers that matched the diversity of our community, because many new Canadians, certainly their parents, at least, saw some of these institutions as not good places to be and not institutions they thought their children should not be in. I could imagine in some cultures, and some countries, Canadians that are now [Technical difficulty—Editor ] comes with significant challenges.
Is there anything being done in jurisdictions to kind of break down that misperception about the value of joining CAF in this example?
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Thank you for the invitation to speak with you today.
I am a defence scientist, but I'm appearing as an individual. As such, I'm not really able to comment directly on current policy, except as it intersects with my research. I'm also a proud navy wife.
If I could begin with what I feel is the key factor in making recruitment and retention in the CAF so challenging, it is that there is no CAF culture. There is instead a thousand different microcultures within the CAF. Every service, every occupation, has a particular set of traditions, requirements, habits and vocabularies that are specific to it, and they are often at odds with those of other occupations.
A recruiting campaign that attracts someone to a very physical, aggressive and identity-based occupation like infanteer might actively discourage someone who is interested in becoming a search and rescue technician. Figuring out what universal patterns of behaviour are harmful—such as heavy drinking or sexual harassment—is the easy part. Understanding how things such as traditional but untested requirements for upper body strength to access certain occupations, and how those requirements potentially discriminate against women, is more complex and requires sensitive research and unit-level solutions.
This brings me to the second challenge, which is the tension between individuality and universality. In seeking to make the CAF more welcoming for people who don't fit the traditional mould of a rural, old-stock Canadian man with a stay-at-home wife, the CAF has instituted policies around dress and grooming, parental leave, posting, service couples and so on that are designed to support CAF members with different personal and family needs.
Unfortunately, the policies that benefit some members are perceived by others as disadvantaging them or as weakening a foundational aspect of military culture, such as the universality of service, which is sometimes voiced as “a soldier is a soldier is a soldier”. Even when leaders recognize that universality has always been code for white, anglophone and male, there is a very real concern that, beyond a certain point, individual accommodations destroy the esprit de corps that, for some members, is at the core of their military service.
This is seen as a cultural shift, but it is more accurately an economic transition. In previous decades, Canadians joining the CAF accepted a loss of autonomy for the protection of a career that could support a family on one income. This is a career where you move frequently but housing was available and subsidized, and where your kids moved from school to school but would meet old friends on base schools around the world. Now, the situation is dramatically different. Most families are dual income by choice or necessity, and many CAF bases are located in places where it is difficult for spouses to find meaningful and gainful employment. Housing costs have skyrocketed, and CAF members who move frequently are at the mercy of the market, while others who stay in one place are making large profits.
The perks of CAF service no longer outweigh the loss of autonomy and the severe family strain it can create. Policies to support individuality can only go so far when the CAF is facing the structural and economic problems that are rooted in Canadian society writ large.
Finally, the third challenge is evidence. We know from prior research that women and other minorities face a wide range of barriers in mostly white, mostly male institutions such as the CAF. What we don't know is how to fix that in the specific context of the military. For example, if women are perceived as bossy, shrill or unlikable when they are assertive, this can make them a less effective leader. How do you tease the effects of sexism out from the reality that most women in the CAF will lead men for the bulk of their career? How do you distinguish a woman who is a poor leader from a women who's experiencing the corrosive effects of sexism from her subordinates?
Every CAF advancement decision is noticed, discussed and dissected on social media and will be the subject of rumour and grievance, so being transparent about what is happening when people are promoted or not is key. When it comes to culture change, we don't know what best practices look like because war is a very difficult experimental condition to replicate. Every researcher and policy-maker who wants to change the bad aspects of CAF culture—sexism, sexual misconduct, racism, homophobia, groupthink, anti-intellectualism and cronyism—runs into the same argument: “Hey, this is what has worked in the past. How do I know your suggestions aren't going to get people killed?” The truthful answer is, I don't know.
What I do know is that the CAF is desperately short of people. The sexual misconduct scandals have broken Canadians' trust in their military, as well as CAF members' trust in their leadership. As Canadian society becomes more polarized, and as trust in institutions declines even further, the CAF must adapt to survive. One way it can adapt is by careful, evidence-based and transparent changes in culture, training and advancement.
Thank you. I welcome your questions on anything I've presented or on another aspect of recruitment, retention and culture change.
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I would like to thank this panel for allowing me to be the voice for 200-plus active soldiers.
While talking with other veterans, I became aware of an increasing number of conversations in regard to the radicalization towards violent extremism within our Canadian military. I therefore met with privates, corporals and master corporals in the regular forces and asked two questions: If you are working in a known hostile environment, what keeps you there? What behaviours do you consider hostile?
Since August 2021, I have received close to 200 reported instances of hostile behaviours, which are added to my own experience at CFB Borden. I have witnessed the belittling of lower-rank soldiers outside of military places. This situation not only affects the retention of our military personnel, but it can also push members into violent outbursts or the acceptance that abuse is part of the training.
These are some of my findings.
First, the lack of immediate response by a higher-ranking officer witnessing any inappropriate comments made by middle-ranking officers toward lower-ranking soldiers is simply sending a message to both parties that this unprofessional behaviour is considered acceptable.
For example, in regard to the institution housing problem, there are comments like, “Have you thought about letting go of your sole-custody arrangement? This would make it easier for you to find a place to live.” In regard to jokes, there is “Are you turning native on me?” or “Well, I hope we will not discover unmarked graves on our base.” In regard to promotion, one could hear, “This is racism because you were only promoted because you are a woman, gay or a minority.” In regard to attending family funerals, it could be, “Well, this person is not important enough for me to give you the bereavement time you need.”
The data indicates that not one commissioned officer who heard those comments even acknowledged how inappropriate they were. This lack of immediate response ends up sending a message that the military has full control over a soldier's family, the right to grieve a family member and a person's racial identity.
Second, within the past two years, a few master corporals have identified moral issues within their own squadrons or divisions. Out of their own goodwill, they contacted commissioned officers in order to present solutions to these problems. In response to their inputs, these master corporals were threatened with a charge of sedition and treason, in particular if they persisted in bringing forth those problems. Fear of repercussion is found in all of the correspondence that I received. It takes an incredible amount of courage to talk to anyone in or outside of the military. A code of silence is imposed on all soldiers within our National Defence. Control through fear was found in 100% of my collected data.
Third, the obvious change in the military hierarchy can be identified by its previous pyramidal form to a ballooning distribution of ranks. The change in ratio of upper ranks to lower ranks is causing fierce competition between peers, in particular when promotion is at play. Micromanagement becomes far more obvious because it includes microaggressive comments, lack of proper job distribution, belittling and ostracizing behaviours and wilful ignorance of unbecoming behaviours. Micromanagement is also conducive to the development of toxic environments.
Fourth, the DND grievance process is inadequate. Having had a conversation with individuals working in that department, I realized that the majority of complaints are seen as useless or unfounded, or are simply categorized as “human right issues”, which means that a soldier's grievance is simply ignored. Therefore, this same soldier is now obligated to finance his or her own grievance.
Fifth, the medical department is fully aware of the location of these known toxic environments. They have acknowledged to many of my contacts that they are aware of departments causing mental health issues. However, since they do not have any power over other military sections, their solution is to medicate individuals who have no other choice but to return to these same toxic work environments.
This is an internal threat to the safety of our public, because some individuals have told me that they have advised their supervisor that they have not adapted to the new medication and would need some time to adjust. They were refused the right to go on sick leave. The feeling of anxiety associated to their inability to fully concentrate on their job increased the level of fear associated to causing the death of a co-worker.
:
Thank you very much, Chair.
Thank you to both witnesses for being here. You both have very unique perspectives, if you will, on the Canadian Armed Forces, both from serving in it and from having a family member in the forces. I want to ask you a couple of questions.
I'll start with you first, Ms. Lane. Your husband, you've said, is a navy officer right now. He's in the navy. Would he do it again? Would you want him to do it again if he had a choice to start over, given the current environment of the military?
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As a country, we've certainly been aware of some of the challenges that exist within the military.
In this committee, we were remarking in the break about how this committee is great, in that we have a common goal and interest, which is Canada's national security: the ability for our military to defend our country, to have the tools necessary to do so, to retain and recruit people and to fix the challenges that exist within it. Together as a group, we have recommendations that have been made in the past, over the years, whether it be in the last six years for some of them or even in the last 10 or 15 years.
There are areas in the military that have to be fixed. What do we need to do?
To answer both your questions, one coming from your perspective, Ms. Maillette, and one coming from yours, Ms. Lane.... I could ask you the same question, Ms. Lane. You were a reservist. Would you want to now join the military as a regular member in 2022?
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My answer would be slightly different. Mine would be to start with a conversation with Canadians as a whole about what we see as the role of the Canadian Armed Forces going forward, and how we adapt that to what we foresee Canadians deciding going forward.
Many of the challenges that the CAF faces currently—and, as you say, has faced for 15 to 20 years—are related to challenges that Canada as a whole faces in terms of who we are as a country, who we see as our allies, what we see as our history and what we see as our future. For many Canadians, that has been in flux quite a bit. We saw the disruptive influences of the Trump presidency in the United States of how Canadians viewed that traditionally, very allied relationship with the U.S. With the invasion of Ukraine now, we see it in Germany's foreign policy posture changing.
Many in Canada are re-evaluating that safety and peacefulness that we have largely felt since the end of the Cold War, and the CAF is an important part of that—
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Thank you to both of you for being here to kick off this study.
My questions will be to Andrea Lane. I will keep my questions to your specific research. You've written about the gendering of the armed forces—particularly, the combat-focused roles—and the popularly accepted link between masculinity and soldiering. You've also noted the link between the need to reinforce the masculinity of soldiering with the reinforcement of the most negative aspects of masculinity, which we would now refer to, perhaps, as toxic masculinity.
How does this influence the issues we are seeing in the forces, including sexual misconduct and various forms of discrimination?
:
Thank you for that question. I will do my best to answer it, but with the caveat that it's extremely complex.
I should note that there's a distinction between what you correctly identified as toxic masculinity and masculinity more generally, and also between toxic masculinity and men. Some effects of the gender culture of the CAF are simply because there are a lot of men in the CAF, and it's an institution that has traditionally been built around men. Some of those effects are neutral or even beneficial. As a woman who works in the defence communities, I sometimes joke that, aside from having to hear about sports all the time, the negative masculine characteristics in my workday are not that extreme. However, there's that particular linkage between a very physical idea of what it is to become a man, that sort of toughness, and the aggression that is sometimes cultured even in Canadian society, but particularly in military training. There is an aspect of dominance, and sometimes even sexual dominance, that can be built into those narratives even unwittingly.
We see it in popular culture as well. The hero of a movie about war is often a hit with the ladies, for example. If you don't think about that critically, you don't realize what the plot line of the romance in the movie is. Can we recognize the fact that it's extremely heteronormative that we associate masculinity with heterosexual sexual prowess and that kind of thing?
It's very difficult to untangle this, the positive or neutral aspects of masculinity and men, from toxic masculinity and how it affects sexual harassment in the military, because what we're essentially getting at is the core identity of the people who serve. There's a proud tradition of being extremely fit and extremely resilient physically, especially within the army combat arms. It's very hard to say that some of that swagger or braggadocio is harmful to your female colleagues because they feel excluded from it, or they feel threatened by it, without also threatening the core of what it can mean for those men to be men and to be soldiers.
I think societally we do a very bad job of explaining what positive masculinity looks like or even discussing positive masculinity. Sometimes I will hear from my CAF colleagues, “I don't grope women. I don't make sexist jokes, but am I toxic? Am I a toxic masculine person simply by virtue of being a man in the military?” Of course the answer is no, but it's very difficult to discuss something as severe as sexual harassment and sexual misconduct without making it about individuals, almost unintentionally.
I don't know if I've answered your question. I'm sorry.
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Solutions to improve recruitment were indeed proposed. In terms of retention, it would be important to reinstate the cost of living differential, which was cancelled and has not been reviewed since 2009. This would help the military, whether they are privates or master corporals, financially.
Of course, the provision of private married quarters, or PMQs, on bases is very important. For example, small trailers or small modular homes could be installed.
There is a lot of discussion around the transfer of military personnel, but it never includes their family members. Today, in many places, a family has to have two salaries to be financially comfortable, so the family should be considered, as other witnesses have already said.
Soldiers starting at the bottom also experience difficulties. These soldiers, when they take courses in military establishments, have to pay for their accommodation and food, in addition to having to pay for an apartment that they have to leave for their training. A sum of $700 a month is not much to pay for an apartment.
If changes could be made now to address these four areas, it could be a game changer.
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The first issue is security clearance in the military. The academic researcher's normal security clearance gives them access to classified confidential information. However, a secret or top secret clearance gives them access to much more information. If people want to access documents that say “Protected A”, they will not have access to all the information, because those documents will be blacked out. These documents are only accessible to individuals with a confidential security clearance.
There is a second problem. In basic training, soldiers, or non‑commissioned officers, are taught that they must never, ever contradict someone of a higher rank. This is instilled in recruits on the first day of training.
If asked by an academic researcher, the soldier will immediately consider that person an officer. The response will not contradict what the researcher is asking for, so the researcher does not really get adequate answers.
Can you explain, both witnesses I suppose, about housing? We have also heard a lot about that infrastructure and the supports that are required in terms of the cost of housing and the provision that used to exist with housing.
We also heard about child care. I've heard about that, particularly from officers, parents, who are serving. A lot of people believe that housing is provided on base and that there was a provision of barracks. What used to exist, how has that changed and when did it change?
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This is veering into current policy.
I can say, as a researcher on this kind of issue, that more data is always better and disaggregated data is the gold standard. Knowing why it is women pilots above the rank of brigadier-general, for example, are leaving the forces, versus knowing why male privates with a Pakistani background are leaving, those are important data points. Whether or not we understand what we're seeing in a one-year to five-year timeline, when you start to be able to see trends from the disaggregated data, then it allows you to really know what is going on.
Your colleague, Madame Normandin, asked a question about the challenges of collecting this research, and one of the challenges is that, particularly around sexual misconduct, if you ask 15 women how to make their time in the CAF better, you will get 15 different answers and all of them are valid and all of them have policy recommendations attached to them, but often, those recommendations are at complete odds and ends with each other. It's very difficult to take really personal information about people's experiences, fears and hopes and make policy recommendations for that, because you'll have just as many people say that is the last thing they want.
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That's good; then we don't have to ask her again.
Colleagues, the chair is in the same dilemma, which is we have 25 minutes' worth of questions to be done in 20 minutes, so if our five-minute round becomes four minutes—four, four, one, one, four and four—maybe we'll get through it.
Mr. Dowdall, go ahead for four minutes, please.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Thank you to both of our witnesses for being here today.
Ms. Lane, you said numerous times that this is complex and complicated. I certainly appreciate that. Your comment about asking 15 people 15 different exit questions and getting 15 different answers speaks volumes to the complexity in all of this.
Ms. Lane, I'd like to talk about universality of service or, more specifically, maybe the modernization of universality of service. Do our allies in NATO have a more stringent, more rigid universality of service? Is that something that has positively impacted retention and recruitment in other countries?
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I'm not familiar enough with NATO countries more broadly. I can speak to a couple of countries that have invested in this differently in the context of their military service.
For example, Israel has a program in which they have required military service. Because they are responsible for accepting basically all citizens, they have established military service for people who are neurodivergent, for example, people on the autistic spectrum, and have found a way to have meaningful involvement by neurodivergent people within their military.
In the United States there is more concern with injured veterans, particularly from the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts. In the same way that Canada has a few ways that people who have been injured can continue to serve, I think that's really the best way of thinking about how we can expand those exemptions, particularly when we start looking at recruiting people in non-traditional occupations like cyber-operator. Is there a way of thinking about how we connect promotion to supervising, and could we perhaps look at disentangling those so people could maintain their one job without having to necessarily advance in a way that is traditionally viewed as “military”, by, for example, taking on supervisory work, and instead could kind of stay with their preferred cyber job at their computer or whatever?
I'm sorry that I'm simplifying that a little bit, but there certainly are other countries that have expanded the definition of what it means to be able to “serve”. Oftentimes, that is rooted in more of a national service or semi-conscripted version of what military service is.
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Strictly in the context of my own personal opinion as a researcher and spouse, and not as a DND employee, I think one thing that could dramatically change the way that dual spouses are able to handle military life—as well as increase recruitment from ethnic minorities and new Canadians—would be to reinstate having CAF establishments in our major cities, the way that we did prior to a variety of base closures in I believe the 1990s. The places where people live in Canada—especially young people, non-white people, new Canadians and tech people—are not necessarily where we have our main military installations, so there's a disconnect there. If you're an ambitious young person in a couple and you want to join the military, it's very hard to uproot your entire life and go and live in a small town in a different province, in a rural community that you've never experienced. That would solve two birds with one stone.
In terms of the fairness question, I think almost every policy that is family friendly can be made “individual friendly” as well in terms of having the flexibility to take leave, for example, whether you need to care for a newborn child, you want to take a master's degree or you have elder care responsibilities. Every Canadian and every CAF member has something in their lives that they could use a bit of institutional flexibility with. Currently we have policies that are designed for families, obviously, because that's a main concern, but to be able to involve people who don't necessarily have what we think of as a traditional family—to extend those leave options, for example, to parents or siblings or loved ones in different contexts—would be one way of making policies feel a little more fair, I think.
Nobody really wants to have a lot of sympathy for the single person who doesn't have kids and who's grumbling about taking the weekends so that their partner's colleagues can.... The reality is that more and more people are choosing to be child free or to live in relationships that don't look quite like traditional marriages, and we have to value their contributions as well and take their concerns seriously. There is some room there for improvement, I think.
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Thank you, Mr. Fisher. You've now ruined all those
Top Gun movies for me and for probably everyone else on the committee. My goodness.
With that, I want to thank both of you. You were extraordinary witnesses. You've certainly helped launch our study on recruitment and retention in a positive way, and both of you have set out the complexities that are faced by the government, by the military and, indeed, by Canadian society. Again, thanks to both of you for this hour of your time. It has been hugely valuable.
With that, the meeting is adjourned.