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During this fall's industry consultation, we took note of some observations from various stakeholders. One of these is that many Canadians are in fact migrating from cable and satellite to consuming content over the Internet. In fact, you may have noticed in this morning's
Globe and Mail that a “Report on Business” column talked about a reporter's own experience of how he was unplugging.
This trend is beginning to have an impact on the CMF's revenue stream. As you may know, the CMF contributions provided by cable and satellite companies are based on a percentage of their broadcasting revenue. As things shift from the regulated to the unregulated, our revenues over time will decrease.
We're beginning to see that happening now, in that the percentage of growth in the BDU revenue—and this is also included in the chart in the document we provided you—has already started to diminish. We've seen recent year-over-year growth at 10%, for 2008-09; it went down to 6% in 2009-10; this year we expect it to go down to about 2%. This decline is being seen on both the cable side and the DTH side. It's a little more dramatic, at this point in time, on the cable side.
The other source of revenue, of course, that we have is from the Government of Canada. It has remained stable at $120 million since 2006-07. In 2010-11, the current year, we received an additional $14 million, which was provided to support the expanded mandate, and it was the funding that went to the Canada New Media Fund.
As far as the impact of consolidation in the broadcast sector and the impact on the CMF are concerned, particularly in the English market what we've seen is that the share of CMF funding allocations provided through what we call “performance envelopes” is increasingly received by broadcasters who are part of one of those vertically integrated groups. The broadcasters have the ability to direct their envelopes towards productions, in addition to providing a broadcast licence, and then in turn the CMF engages and contracts with that producer. So there are fewer players directing a lot of the production.
For example, in the English market, if we look at the performance envelopes that we calculated for this year and apply what we know are probably going to be the new ownerships, including that of Bell, the broadcasters within those vertically integrated groups received 50% of the CMF performance envelopes. That includes Bell, obviously, for CTV; Quebecor; Rogers; and Shaw, for both Corus and CanWest.
When we also consider that 35% went to CBC, that leaves 15% of our English performance envelopes allocated to 10 channels that weren't part of a vertically integrated broadcast group. Obviously, that's only for channels that have a performance envelope and that we deal with.
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Good afternoon, Mr. Chairman and committee members.
We appreciate the opportunity to appear before you today and will keep our remarks short so that we have more time for questions and answers, but first we offer our congratulations specifically to you, Mr. Chong, on your recent election as chairman of this important standing committee. I look forward to working closely with you and the other committee members in the weeks and months ahead.
My name is Norm Bolen. I am the president and CEO of the Canadian Media Production Association. With me today is Reynolds Mastin, counsel for the CMPA.
We represent hundreds of independent companies across Canada. They produce and distribute English language television programs, feature films, and interactive content. With a handful of exceptions, these are all small and medium-sized businesses, entrepreneurs. Our members produce content that is consumed by millions of viewers in Canada and abroad, and that content is viewed on small, medium, and large screens. Gone are the days when producers developed content for a single platform. Today producers almost always develop their content so it can be exploited on multiple screens.
As most of you know, our organization was formerly the Canadian Film and Television Production Association. We rebranded a number of months ago to the Canadian Media Production Association. We did this specifically to better reflect the reality of today's independent production sector and in light of the multiplatform universe that is already so prevalent in the lives of Canadians.
Our members have a significant impact on the Canadian economy. They generate most of the $5 billion in production that occurs in Canada each year, and this activity sustains some 130,000 high-quality creative jobs.
While these economic performance indicators are important, independent producers are about much more than just money and jobs. By the content they produce, independent producers reflect--and, I would add, even celebrate--the broad diversity that exists across our vast country and the proud history that makes us so unique.
The fundamental role of producers has long been recognized and supported by successive governments. This is why the Broadcasting Act recognizes the important role that independent producers play in the Canadian broadcasting system. Section 3 of that act requires that “the programming provided by the Canadian broadcasting system should...include a significant contribution from the Canadian independent production sector”.
Independent producers are a key engine driving diversity, creativity, and innovation. I would like to think that our sector is well positioned to make a significant contribution to Canada's burgeoning digital economy, but lately, to be brutally honest with you, I'm beginning to wonder if this is at all true. For independent producers to be well positioned to contribute meaningfully to Canada's economic and cultural future, certain things must change, and they must change quickly. We therefore congratulate you for launching your study on the impacts of the changes in private television ownership and the move towards new viewing platforms.
Over the last decade, and certainly in the last few years, the massive consolidation and integration of the television sector has indeed had a significant impact on independent producers. There is now a severe and unsustainable industry imbalance between independent producers and broadcasters. That imbalance is not only undermining content innovation and programming diversity; it is also threatening the very existence of the independent production sector. We remain hopeful, however, that the government and all political parties continue to believe in the importance of the contribution made by independent producers.
The key question, as I see it, is really quite simple: do we continue to believe it beneficial to all Canadians that a viable and healthy independent production sector not only exists but can flourish? I and many millions of Canadians believe the answer to that question is an unequivocal “yes”, so I implore you to grasp the opportunity with this study to make concrete recommendations to address the imbalance that currently exists in the television sector between independent producers and broadcasters.
Reynolds, would you continue?
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You may be wondering what the problem exactly is between producers and broadcasters. Simply put, we're now reduced to three large, integrated, private broadcast corporate groups in English Canada. As such, there are effectively few selling opportunities in the television market for our members.
More specifically, those three broadcast groups are now using--I would even say abusing--their dominant position in the market to secure unreasonable terms from independent producers. They're demanding more rights, including all digital rights, and often for very little additional fees, if any.
Broadcaster consolidation has virtually eliminated competition in the Canadian programming rights market, resulting in fewer incentives for broadcasters to experiment with multiplatform content production and distribution; untenable and unsustainable rights deals for independent producers; and the virtual elimination of any return on investment for investors and funders, including the Canada Media Fund.
The equation is simple: where broadcasters control all of the rights, they will reap all of the benefits. This leaves other key partners--independent producers, the Canada Media Fund, federal and provincial funding agencies, and independent production funds--with little or nothing to show for their investment in Canadian programming.
The situation for independent producers has also become progressively worse over time. Ten years ago broadcasters were taking three-year licence deals on programming. Today, for very little additional compensation, they demand as many as 12 years. This virtually eliminates any possibility for a producer to sell in second or third markets.
Ten years ago broadcasters negotiated for only one conventional station and maybe three to five plays or broadcasts of the program over the three-year licence term. Today, with little additional compensation, they demand the rights for that same conventional station; all of their other owned and controlled broadcast platforms, such as pay or specialty; unlimited plays on all their platforms; Internet rights; all rights for all media; merchandising rights; and very often rights for foreign territories.
Let's consider this last point for a second. A Canadian broadcaster whose sole raison d'être is the Canadian market is using its considerable clout to scoop up the rights for foreign territories. This is going way too far.
You may be asking yourselves why producers do not simply refuse these harsh business terms that are so damaging to their businesses. There's a simple answer to that question. For most independent producers, turning down these terrible terms effectively means putting their businesses on hold, or even closing their doors permanently. I would highlight that a broadcaster is also the only trigger to access a large majority of the financing available under the Canada Media Fund, and one of the key triggers to access the Canadian film or video production tax credit.
This puts broadcasters in a very strong bargaining position. Without a broadcast deal, our members have no access to most of the CMF and likely no access to the tax credit. Without access to these crucial sources of funding, there would be far fewer Canadian content productions in underrepresented genres, like drama, documentary, and children's programming. Thousands of key creative and technical craftspeople from coast to coast would also lose their jobs.
Ultimately, Canada's diversity would be significantly lessened, and independent producers would fall considerably short of being able to effectively contribute to Canada's growing digital economy. This is why we have been pushing so aggressively for the implementation of an equitable and enforceable terms of trade framework between independent producers and broadcasters.
This would provide a common-sense solution related to the ownership and exploitation of all rights, including digital rights, thereby maximizing the distribution of content across all platforms. This is a key government policy objective that can be achieved at no cost to taxpayers and with minimal, if any, direct regulatory intervention.
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Before we wrap up, I would like to make a short comment about the Canada Media Fund.
As you may know, the Department of Canadian Heritage's contribution to the fund expires at the end of this fiscal year. This program is crucial for underrepresented Canadian programming and the independent production sector. It is critical that it be renewed long term. As you may also know, we've been actively working with our colleagues in the creative sector in arguing before the courts that Internet service providers should be considered broadcast distributors under the Broadcasting Act.
Let me briefly explain why it is necessary to push so hard on this front.
Over time, Canadian audiences will increasingly migrate to platforms that are currently not regulated. As this trend accelerates, revenues earned within vertically integrated communications companies will shift from those generated by their traditional and cable satellite services to those derived from their Internet access services. Overall these companies could end up earning just as much, maybe even considerably more, from their customers' shift to broadband.
At the same time, they will end up contributing less and less to the Canada Media Fund, since their contributions are currently based solely on their cable and satellite revenues. Data already show the CMF revenue from BDUs flattening out, as Valerie suggested. This is not a positive trend for Canadian content, for the independent production sector, or for the thousands of jobs we sustain across Canada.
In closing, I offer four specific recommendations that we ask you to incorporate into your study.
One, recognize the imbalance that currently exists between independent producers and television broadcasters in the negotiation of rights and the detrimental effect this has on diversity and innovation in the system.
Two, recommend that the Minister of Canadian Heritage issue a policy direction to the CRTC, pursuant to section 7 of the Broadcasting Act, requiring the commission to ensure that broadcasters have taken all appropriate steps to reach an equitable arrangement with the independent production sector regarding the ownership and exploitation of program rights.
Three, support the renewal of the Department of Canadian Heritage's contribution to the Canada Media Fund on an ongoing basis. This will introduce much-needed stability in the funding system. It will also allow all stakeholders to plan long term and continue enhancing the effectiveness of the fund.
Four, endorse the proposal that all distribution platforms, including those that are currently not regulated, be required to make a financial contribution to a fund to support the creation of Canadian content.
With these key building blocks in place, I am confident that Canadian independent producers will be much better positioned to be able to contribute meaningfully to both our growing digital economy and our cultural future.
That concludes my presentation. I would be happy to answer any questions you may have. Thank you.
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Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I wish to thank the Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage for giving us the opportunity to express our thoughts regarding the effects of concentration in Canada's communications industry, and more specifically in Quebec.
My name is Claire Samson. I am the president and CEO of the APFTQ, the Quebec producers association. I am accompanied today by Suzanne D'Amours, who is a consultant.
Your committee is examining the repercussions of increasing vertical integration among the major suppliers of content and suppliers of mobile telephone and Internet access services. I would like to begin by demonstrating the relative weight of these two industries: telecommunications, the telcos; and broadcasting, distribution, EDR, radio, and television programming.
According to CRTC data, in 2009 the telco industry represented $41 billion while the broadcasting industry accounted for $14.5 billion—$7.5 billion for BDU and $7 billion for radio and television programming. All of the BDUs and the major telcos now operate in both sectors, and telecommunications activities have become their main source of revenue. These access controllers account for 88% of all of Canada's communications industries' revenue.
Four large groups—BCE, Shaw, Rogers, and QMI—control six of the seven national and regional conventional networks—CTV, Global, CityTV, A-Channel, OMNI, and TVA—and account for 80% of total revenues for optional private services. These are the same businesses that control Internet access, cable television, and mobile telephony. In order to continue to prosper, these businesses must offer consumers a variety of products and content.
It is clear that the main activity of businesses that control broadcasting is not broadcasting itself. It is the telco divisions that generate the most revenue, that offer the most growth potential, and that see the most ferocious competition. While the average growth rate for the past three years in broadcast programming services was 1.6%, for BDUs it was 10.3%. The integrated communications providers' main objective is to monopolize households, for example, by becoming the sole provider of services such as Internet access, cable television, and conventional and wireless telephony. Customers get increased discounts based on whether they sign up for two, three or four of these services. Another way to finance those discounts would be to pass the costs on to the programming services by reducing the affiliation fees they pay out or by applying strong downward pressure to their wholesale monthly fees.
Until now, the main objective of small, large, independent, or affiliated programmers has been to ensure the largest possible distribution for their content across all platforms. In the future, the objective may be to offer exclusive content to tempt consumers to subscribe to their telecommunications services. When BCE purchased CTV, it declared that it did not expect to make the content it was acquiring available on mobile telephones to any suppliers of those services other than Bell.
The CRTC's new regulations open the door to these types of practices, even for private conventional television providers, by giving them the right to withdraw their signals if negotiations on the proper market value of fees to pay fail. This strategy is obviously based on the control of the best-performing commercial programming services, as well as other media or content that result from a parallel increase in cross-media ownership and exclusive distribution agreements for certain platforms.
In fact, ensuring the profitability of programming services is less of an issue today. The main priority is increasingly to continue to increase market penetration and revenues stemming from other services offered by the companies that provide Internet access, mobile telephony, and cable. A simple glimpse reveals that the performance of BDUs is 26% for cable distribution of television services and 69% for non-programmed services, mainly Internet. Naturally, these services are not regulated by the CRTC. In short, the access controllers are in a position to make gains across the board.
They are largely deregulated with respect to both consumers--deregulation of basic service fees--and programming, and they financially control the Canadian broadcast and telecommunication systems. The independent broadcasters that are not owned by the access controllers will be marginalized in that environment. Their financial clout is in no way comparable to that of the access controllers, and their negotiation power decreases in tandem with the reduction in regulatory protection. This occurs in different degrees, based on whether the broadcaster is a private commercial player, a national broadcaster, an educational station, or a non-profit station.
In Quebec, for example, just one single conventional television station remains unlinked to an access provider, and that's VTélé. One large group that licenses optional services and is not tied to an access controller is Astral Media. Both operate their broadcast activities exclusively or primarily in the French language market, where concentration is extremely high in both the broadcast and Internet services areas.
QMI services 51% of television subscribers in Quebec, while in Canada no individual BDU services more than 25% of subscribers. Astral is no doubt the group that is in the best position to stand up to the integrated communications companies. However, just like VTélé, Astral is a choice target for major players that are backed by considerable financial clout, at a time when the theory that technological convergence must be based on a strong multi-media platform is making a comeback. Eventually, current economic logic suggests that all private and independent players of any significant size will eventually be eliminated.
The role of Radio-Canada in this environment is changing. Radio-Canada should be able to take its place in this environment, due to its legislative and judicial status, which is defined in the Broadcasting Act, and its critical mass. It has 26 local stations affiliated with two national networks; 84 radio stations affiliated with its four national radio station networks; one pay-music service, Galaxie; five specialized category A services; a very sophisticated website; and TOU.TV.
With its multi-year financial backing guaranteed by the government, Radio-Canada could be in a position to show leadership and provide essential financing of Canadian programming for its television, radio, and new media services. We must also recognize that Radio-Canada was a pioneer in the development of new media platforms, and thus it benefits from significant cross-promotion capabilities.
On the role of the CRTC in guaranteeing the diversity of voices in the current media environment, the fundamental challenge of ensuring a diversity of voices is naturally a concern for all of the Canadian broadcasting system's stakeholders--public, private, and community-based--whether they are in programming or distribution.
The only way to ensure a diversity of voices in this new environment is to maintain a regulatory structure where the objective is to establish a framework that gives all broadcast groups the latitude necessary to adapt to the rapid changes in the communications sector, while ensuring that the content presented by the Canadian broadcast system has a distinctly Canadian flavour.
This objective implies that the CRTC and interested parties take into account the crucial role played by Canadian producers and creators in the broadcast system; the different conditions in which English and French language broadcasters operate, as well as the different needs they each have despite their many common points; and the role of the public broadcaster in a world of rapidly changing communications.
In order to meet the law's objectives, the CRTC has developed a series of regulations and policies to guarantee that the broadcast system provides a diversity of voices, and that programming reflecting the interests of all Canadians has reasonable access to the system.
We hope that the CRTC maintains these regulations and policies. However, we also hope that the CRTC considers establishing specific rules for the Internet and mobile telephony broadcasting industries. The CRTC has in the past always refused to regulate this part of the industry. We believe it is now time for it to review its position on the matter.
And finally, we believe that the Canadian government should give the CRTC the powers to penalize broadcasters who do not respect the conditions of their licences.
The next topic I will discuss is the role of the Canada Media Fund and other financing mechanisms in ensuring the success of new programs related to next-generation media platforms.
First, we must ensure the financing of all content slated for the various distribution platforms, whether television, the Internet, or mobile telephony.
The Canada Media Fund has developed new programs to meet the objectives outlined by the Canadian heritage minister. These include financing the production of multi-media applications linked to television shows supported by the CMF, and the production of original interactive content destined for new platforms, such as the Internet and mobile telephony. All this time, no new additional financing was made available for these new productions.
It is too soon to know the results of these new measures, since the programs were put in place in 2010. However, we are convinced that the goal of financing original productions for an increased number of broadcast platforms using the same amount of money can only lead to a decrease in production quality or a drop in the number of original Canadian productions.
The APFTQ would like to express its strong disappointment with the CRTC's decision not to regulate broadcasting over the Internet and on mobile devices and for not obliging suppliers of these services to contribute to Canadian productions. We were convinced that the time had come to set some guidelines regarding Canadian content availability on these platforms and regarding specific financial assistance for the production of this content.
By preserving a two-speed system, one that is regulated and one that is not, we foresee an accelerated move in television broadcast activities towards the new media—and this without any protection or promotion of national production. This is a missed opportunity to stimulate Canadian multiplatform production and could lead to Canadian culture losing a privileged position on our screens.
We also believe that to ensure that productions slated for new distribution platforms, such as the Internet and mobile telephony, are adequately financed, the government should make its tax credit program open to Canadian cinematographic productions.
In conclusion, your notice of motion does not take into account the impacts of concentration in the communications industry on the independent production industry in Canada. Through the diversity of the talent pools and businesses that operate within it, this industry has enabled broadcasters to prosper and to attract large audiences, particularly in the French language system. Currently, independent producers are fighting to use the broadcasting rights for the various distribution platforms.
The CRTC has informed Canadian broadcasters that they need to negotiate commercial agreements and terms of trade with independent producers, taking into account the new platform operating rights. Despite the moderate proposals that we have put forward so far, not a single broadcaster, neither private nor public, has accepted signing an agreement recognizing that the payment of a broadcasting licence does not confer all operating rights for the shows they acquire.
In an environment of increasing vertical integration between the large suppliers of content and Internet and mobile telephony distribution services, we must ensure that content will be used wisely with respect to the rights holders and creators.
We thank you for your interest and are ready to answer your questions.
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Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, television and media markets have become enormously complex. Corus drives its business through four revenue sources: channel subscriptions, advertising sales, program or book sales, and merchandise sales. In our recent appearances before this committee we have argued for an approach to policy and regulation based on what we characterize as the Corus big six. The full list is attached to this script, which we've distributed, but we will only mention two of them this afternoon due to the time constraint we face.
Corus big six number one: embrace the merits of fostering a Canadian-owned and globally competitive industry. It must be explicitly recognized that we compete in the world market, even at the local level. These markets are enormously complex. The chart that we provided illustrates how our media environment has changed.
Mr. Chairman, we have full-sized charts, which we are happy to provide to the committee. I recognize that this is a little bit dense to look at.
On the left, you can see that we've moved from well-separated activities, where everybody knew what photography was, what the post was, what music was, what magazines were, television, cinema, etc.
On the right, you see all of this is blending into a big digital pool. We have all of these types of media and forms of communication crossing over each other. We've noted some of the major brands, basically all of which are non-Canadian, that are dominating the field these days.
The notion of a domestic market is rapidly changing. It is complex, and the most powerful players are not Canadian. You must align our domestic policies and rules so that we can have a Canadian-owned system that is globally competitive. We can no longer shelter our domestic market. The barriers that we have built to protect Canadian media will become a confining trap if we are not mindful of this change. The emergence of new media platforms has increased the competition for content and for advertising dollars.
There are new, over-the-top technologies, as they're becoming known, such as this iPad, which should.... Yes, it is playing.
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This is playing the Canadian film,
One Week. It is an excellent film. We're quite proud of it. Corus helped to finance this film.
I bought it from iTunes last night in a hotel just down the street, and I was able to download it to this device in just a few minutes. The new Apple TV device referred to in today's Globe and Mail story is available at the mall down the street and can make the Internet experience happen easily on anyone's home TV. I don't necessarily want to endorse the Apple TV, but I encourage you to have a look at it. You just plug it in and—wow!— it's all there on your set.
Companies such as Apple and Google are rapidly working to invade the traditional regulated TV markets. None of these services are required to share their space with Canadian players or to carry Canadian content that meets Canadian standards.
Corus big six number two: increase the probability of success of the Canadian media industry by encouraging the creation of larger and stronger enterprises.
Corus is a significant player in the Canadian market, but on a global scale we are very small. The chart that we have included illustrates market capitalization of some companies. The interesting thing is that on the left side, the new media players such as Google, which owns YouTube, which I'm sure you've all used, and Apple, which I've already referred to, dwarf even a traditional media Goliath such Disney. Google and Apple are seven times larger than even BCE, which is our largest media company in Canada. Netflix, which made a lot of noise a few weeks ago when it announced its incursion into Canada, has a market cap of $9 billion, which is the same as Corus, Astral, and Quebecor combined.
This financial power—and you've heard it from the producers—gives them the resources to innovate, to buy content, and to entice away our talent. For example, Google Inc. spent roughly U.S. $1.5 billion on research and development in 2007, and that number has increased over the last couple of years. This amount is greater than the revenue last year of the entire Canadian radio industry. We must all recognize that the scale problem is worse in the digital realm than it was in traditional broadcasting. This makes it very challenging to fully participate in a new media world.
To participate in digital markets, Corus must also address the critical issue of the management of digital rights. We need to make huge investments in technology to attract and protect our rights and in training our employees to use it. In this regard, we invite the committee to visit Corus Quay in Toronto, where you will see a world-leading technology facility, which I can report cost us about nine figures to build.
Indeed, our media environment is changing. The members of the committee know that. However, you must also understand that your ability to regulate and protect the domestic market is limited. We need to come up with a new mix of incentives, supports, and protections to ensure a continued vibrant Canadian presence. We need scale to maintain the R and D and to make the content that will help us to compete even here at home. To achieve this scale, we will need to redefine our policy bias against vertical integration. We can use other policy tools to ensure diversity and access for many voices.
What are these tools? At this point, we'll simply say that we recommended to the digital economy process that a panel of experts be formed to examine these and other issues.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, those are our submissions, and we look forward to your questions.
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Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you very much, witnesses, for coming in.
Personally, I actually look at vertical integration as an incredible opportunity. I agree with the comments made by Mr. Maavara that scale is needed, mass is needed, if we're going to project Canadian programming and create opportunities, and also compete on what is very much a global market, where people have choices and can make choices as to what their entertainment selection is going to be, and that choice is broader all the time.
Incidentally, Mr. Maavara, you'll be happy to learn that when I do have the opportunity to watch Durham County—and I'm several episodes behind, so I don't want you to tell me what's happening right now—I watch it on demand because my schedule doesn't allow me otherwise.
I think one of the things I really believe firmly is that the idea of needing to create a stage—which is I think what the Canadian government invests an awful lot of money into—versus the need to invest in content, which is something we invest less money into, has actually changed. I think if we go back and look at how important it was that Canadian signals were actually out there and were able to compete and reach Canadian households and so forth, at one time that was a role for the government, because nobody else was going to do it.
You've properly indicated that there is a multitude of channels, more all the time. In fact, anyone can be a broadcaster. I can broadcast this afternoon on YouTube if I choose. So there are all kinds of choices.
I'm just asking an opinion—this is not a government policy, obviously—but do you think it's time that the Canadian government looks at it and says maybe it's time we get out of the broadcasting business and get into investing more money into content? We invest over a billion government dollars, as you know, into a stage, when in fact the private sector would not only make use of that stage...they have so many already, and reinvest all of those dollars into Canadian content. I see major blockbuster films being made in this country. I see creators with so much talent. I see a world that is begging for good-quality content. You've adequately pointed out that there are major companies out there that will gobble this stuff up. Is that where we should be looking? Is that kind of the next century? Is that where Canada should be looking for opportunity?