:
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am very pleased to have an opportunity to meet with you and the members of your Committee today.
[English]
CIDA's main estimates reflect our ongoing efforts to ensure that Canada's international assistance is supporting the world's most vulnerable people responsibly and effectively.
Over the past decades, the international community has made significant progress in helping to reduce world poverty. The percentage of people living on less than $1.25 per day has been cut in half. That means that between 1981 and 2005, a staggering 500 million people managed to climb out of poverty.
Until most recently, the economic crisis had barely touched the developing world. However, the World Bank now estimates some 40 low-income countries are highly vulnerable. The latest forecasts report that the economic crisis could drag down 50 million to 90 million more people into extreme poverty.
Clearly, foreign aid must be part of the solution to mitigate the impact of the economic crisis in the developing world. The reality is that in developing countries there are no quick fixes. The impacts on the lives of their populations will be deeper, more widespread, and longer to remedy.
In the face of this, it is critically important that donor countries keep official development assistance on track, and we are on track to meet our commitment to double Canada's international assistance to $5 billion annually by next year. Furthermore, we met our G-8 commitment to double our aid to Africa, with a total of $2.1 billion in the fiscal year just completed, a full year before the G-8 commitment deadline. And we have made multi-year pledges to the Americas, Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and Asia, including Afghanistan.
More importantly, our government will live up to its commitments. Since taking office, our government has committed to make our international assistance more effective and make a real difference in the lives of the people living in poverty by making it more efficient, more focused, and more accountable, and we have taken steps to do so.
First, for decades it was common practice for donors to pledge their aid with strings attached. It was known as tied aid, requiring that the needed goods and services be acquired in the donor country. The OECD estimates that tied aid makes international contributions 30% less efficient and 35% less efficient in the case of food aid.
I know this is not the kind of efficiency Canadians expect from us, so last April I announced that Canada's food aid would immediately be fully untied. Agencies such as the World Food Programme can now use Canada's money and buy the appropriate food at the best prices in areas closest to the hungry. Furthermore, Mr. Chairman, we will untie all of our aid by 2012-13 to gain even more value for Canada's contributions.
As an agency, CIDA itself will also be undertaking efficiency action. When people are on the ground seeing the conditions in the country, they are better able to react quickly, form more rigorous assessments of needs, develop appropriate responses, and reduce the decision-making process. So we are increasing the number of staff in the field, with more delegated authority and the flexibility they will need. This step will reduce the lengthy approval process and Ottawa-centric approach currently in place.
But decentralization alone is not enough to make CIDA more effective and meet the expectations of Canadians. We are determined to strengthen the monitoring and evaluation of CIDA's assistance programs. CIDA will engage independent auditors to measure results, and external, non-CIDA representatives will sit on CIDA's internal evaluation committee.
Accountability is also about being transparent and providing information to Canadians. Consequently, in addition to its required annual reports to Parliament, CIDA is now creating a “development for results report” that will show Canadians how their tax dollars are making a difference. We will do our best to communicate meaningful results and be open about setbacks that sometimes thwart our best efforts.
I also believe that more effectiveness and impact can be achieved with greater focus. We are increasing the focus of our bilateral program, the program that supports mainly development programs and projects in countries rather than aid, and that represents 53% of CIDA's total budgetary appropriations.
It has been said that Canada's bilateral spending was spread too thinly over too many countries and was too diffused, working in multiple sectors, making it hard to see how and where results were being achieved. To address this, I announced that CIDA will invest 80% of its bilateral program resources in 20 countries of focus. Those 20 countries were selected based on an analysis of their needs and their capacity to realize positive outcomes from our development efforts and in alignment with Canada's foreign policy priorities. To ensure consistency in the future, any changes to the list of 20 countries will require cabinet approval.
As I have noted, and I stress once again, other countries not selected as countries of focus will continue to receive Canadian aid through CIDA's other programs and will remain eligible to access the remaining 47% of our total aid budget. And of course Canada will always respond to the needs of victims of natural disasters or conflict through CIDA's humanitarian assistance program.
Having taken steps to focus geographically, Canada's international efforts must also be focused on fewer areas of activity or sectors. Historically, CIDA's aid has been too diffused and scattered, as I said, across literally dozens of different activities in multiple sectors, so that our money had limited impact, without the critical mass needed to make real gains.
We have now established three priority themes that will guide CIDA's work going forward: increasing food security, stimulating sustainable economic growth, and securing the future of children and youth.
Let me say a few words about each.
First, food security. Last year about this time, the food crisis, caused largely by higher food prices, captured the world's attention. The FAO estimates that the number of undernourished people in the world increased by 75 million in 2007 and 40 million in 2008. The impact of the economic crisis will be immense on the ability of millions to avoid starvation. The world's poorest live on less than $2 a day and spend 50% to 80% of that on food. In fact, the number of chronically hungry people is expected to climb to more than one billion this year.
CIDA will continue to respond to the need for emergency food aid. In fact, Canada is the third-largest single country donor to the World Food Programme. We will also be placing a high priority on initiatives that will meet the micronutrient needs of those living in poverty.
But without an adequate supply of food, development is impossible. The World Bank estimates that GDP growth from agriculture benefits the income of the poor two to four times more than growth in other sectors. Given that so much of the developing world is agriculturally based, I believe we must pay more attention to agriculture in developing countries. Whether it be with improved inputs, technical resources, the rehabilitation of degraded farmland, or irrigation, this will result in greater food self-sufficiency and food security, our first thematic focus.
We have seen how the power of a vibrant economy can reduce poverty. Countries in Asia, in Latin America, and in Africa have shown over and over again that growing the economy is the best way to help people lift themselves out of poverty permanently, and economic growth will be an essential part of helping developing countries weather the economic downturn.
It was noted at the recent World Bank-IMF meetings that economies of developing countries will grow by only 1.6% this year, compared to 6.1% last year. Canada has contributed significantly to the IMF and the World Bank and regional development banks so they can make financing more accessible to developing countries. However, it has been reported that in developing countries the private sector generates 9 out of 10 jobs, so we must create more business opportunities and support entrepreneurship and industrial development in these countries. These efforts will result in productive employment and incomes for the poor.
Elements that support economic growth could be skills training, access to financing, such as micro-credit, protection of property, and the needed supporting infrastructure. Of course, all of our development work in both agriculture and economic growth must consider the environmental impact of the project. Furthermore, all of the gains we achieve must be sustainable in the future for the next generation. Today, the fate of that generation, the children and youth living in extreme poverty, is the most distressing tragedy of our time. There are the needless deaths of 10 million children a year from preventable diseases. There are millions who do not yet have access to a quality education. More than half of the child population in developing countries, some one billion children, live in poverty.
Our government has strongly supported children and youth who face these realities, and we are continuing to support the health of women to reduce maternal and infant mortality, but we need to do more. Keeping children alive is only part of the equation. We want them to grow and prosper by providing children and youth with quality basic education and training so that they have the opportunity to live full, productive lives and engage meaningfully in their communities. This is particularly important now, as some are forecasting a youth tsunami. In 67 countries, up to 60% of the population is now under the age of 30. Through to 2020, some of the world's poorest and often most politically unstable countries will have the largest youth population, including Afghanistan, Pakistan, Colombia, and parts of Africa. Consequently, it is imperative that we make a real difference in the lives of children today for a stable and more secure tomorrow.
These three things--food security, economic growth, and children and youth--will be core for CIDA going forward. But as we have seen in Afghanistan, there can be no development without security and stability.
One billion of the world's poorest people currently live in states where crime, violence, insecurity, and insurgency are part of their daily lives. Ensuring security and stability is of the utmost importance, and Canada's response will build upon its engagement and lessons learned in countries like Afghanistan, Haiti, and Sudan. Our aim is to ensure that the basic needs are met while helping willing countries develop the capacity to self-govern, while shifting from aid dependency to responsibility and local ownership of projects and programs. This requires that good governance be integrated into all of our work in developing countries, as will sound environmental management and sustainability.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, our government pledged to make Canada's international assistance program more efficient, more focused, and more accountable--in short, more effective.
By untying aid, decentralization, more accountability, and through greater bilateral and thematic priorities, we are taking action. Setting priorities is fundamentally about making choices, but I believe that our agenda for aid effectiveness reflects the values of all Canadians. We are committed to making our aid make a difference in the lives of those living in poverty.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to speak with the committee today.
[Translation]
I am now available to take your questions.
Thank you.
:
Thank you very much for your question.
Merci. In terms of multilateral international organizations, what we're doing across the board at CIDA is undertaking to ensure that when we contribute to an organization, it will achieve the results and the objectives that we have laid out for CIDA; it will be the most effective; it will be actually well managed.
As it will be attested to, when there are evaluations or audits done of organizations, I actually ask to read them myself. When there are observations about how an organization can improve itself, I ask, before we commit money, what they've done to correct those observations themselves.
Basically, we have to be focused even in our contribution to multilateral organizations. We want to find the most effective organizations, the organizations that are, again, looking at outcomes, that are well managed, that are fiscally responsible, etc.
Consequently, we're doing that review, but we have not selected and so on; the review is being undertaken. I will tell you that there are organizations that we have already identified as being very responsible and very effective on a multilateral basis. The World Food Programme is a good example. The Red Cross is a good example. We've identified those agencies within the United Nations that we believe are very effective.
In terms of the UN, you've asked about UNRWA, particularly related to the Middle East and Gaza. I've met with the head of UNRWA. We've had very frank discussions with UNRWA. I know they play an important role for the international community in the West Bank and Gaza. I put some questions and I got some very frank, objective answers from the head of UNRWA.
We support UNRWA, because it does play an important role. There are some questions about UNRWA. I think we all can remember that the UN reported, during the conflict, that schools were actually being bombed. I asked the head of UNRWA why it took three weeks to correct that report: the schools themselves weren't bombed, and the bombing was happening outside of the schools. I indicated that it was very important. We, as an international community, rely on UN reports, so we have a high degree of expectation of the accuracy of those reports. It was recognized that they do have this responsibility, and that they will be looking at it.
We had other discussions. I know you're familiar with some of the other issues about UNRWA and the education system they're providing. We had very frank discussions with them about that.
So we do support UNRWA, but it doesn't mean that we don't question or that we don't ensure that any organization that we support is totally reliable, can meet the expectations, and can serve us as well as the people they're there to serve.
:
Merci. First of all, let me say that yes, we will be targeting the $5 billion by next year. As far as the relationship goes, in the most recent OECD report that came out in March of this year, it has been noted that for Canada, the ODA level is up over 12% due to our scaling up of our overall aid contributions and our contributions to the World Bank. Canada is one of the top 10 countries in ODA contributions in 2008. In fact we surpassed the DAC country average, the European Union average, and the G-7 average. In fact, as you will know, we've increased to a level of 0.32%.
As you know, the ratio between ODA and GNI depends on the economy of the country, so looking at the situation that all the developed countries are in presently, I'm watching the contributions closely.
Canada has maintained its commitment to increase its international assistance. We are doing that every year. Other countries have been decreasing their international assistance. In fact, Italy, for example, threatened to decrease its international assistance by 57% or 58%. Through international discussions, they've reduced that reduction, but unfortunately, they're still reducing by over 40%. When we see this happening, we always have to make sure that we are going to be effective, and there's more coordination amongst the countries that we're looking at.
This leads me to how we selected the countries. Canada is not the only one that's been focusing geographically. Other countries have been doing so, and in fact some of them took some of these steps before Canada did. When I look at the various countries, the African countries, to see who has increased their contribution to those countries, and what kinds of commitments, what efforts they are making, we're also looking at the effectiveness of those things. We want to work with the African countries. We're working with the African Union. We're supporting the African Development Bank. Some countries prefer the multilateral approach because it's closer to home, and they have more impact on saying what can be done in that country, so we're looking at that.
When I look at the actual countries and the impacts on what is being done there, I would tell you that generally, across the board, the United Kingdom and the European Union have increased their support in Africa, but they're decreasing, at the same time, in the Americas. We have the Netherlands, which now potentially is going to leave Haiti completely--and I've spoken to the head of the Netherlands agency.
If you look at Australia, they're moving their focus to the South Pacific, to countries within their region. I would say to you that there is a regional realignment happening.
As to how we looked at the African countries, as I pointed out, need and level of poverty were one of the criteria, and an important criterion, but only one of the criteria. The second criterion, I think, deserves as much attention as the level of poverty. In fact, if you look at how much has been invested by the western world into Africa, it's over $23 trillion. I'm as discouraged about this as others are. This is why it's important for us to make sure our contribution--and other countries are doing the same--produces real results. We have to look at the way that aid is being done, etc. It's the capacity of the countries.
This is a real tragedy. We've seen many countries that we thought were progressing really well, and yet, when you look at those same countries.... If you look at a country like South Africa, it was triumphant, and we thought it was moving along very well, and now it has some challenges. If you look at Kenya, it was moving along very well, and now if you look.... We are also seeing an increase in conflict and refugee situations, etc. So events and situations evolve.
We look at countries and ask, where is the country and the government willing to take responsibility? Even if it's in one sector, we would prefer to work with a government that's willing to work in that sector.
I met recently with an African ambassador from a country that is very, very rich in natural resources. The country has significant GDP growth, but there is a particular humanitarian situation there. I asked the ambassador—and I'm hoping I'll get information from them—what is your government willing to do to help address this humanitarian situation? We will partner with them; we will work with them.
But I think the thing here is that we know the way to ensure long-term, sustainable movement out of poverty is to help the governments themselves take over that responsibility, or else we're continually going to have countries that are aid dependent. And that does not help, I believe, the social stability and the political stability of a country. They want to see their own leadership providing them with the needs they have. So that's a very important criterion.
The third criterion as a government is that we have policies and priorities, but we do not, and we will not, tie our aid only to the countries where we have any trade or economic interests. For the countries we look at, yes, we are undertaking trade negotiations with Peru and Colombia, but there were other countries on that list with whom we have no trade relationships and where we don't have an economic interest. There is an immense need, but there is an ability to make a difference in that country.
To be fair, yes, we were in multiple countries. Some people said we moved from 127 to 69, or 78, etc. But in fairness, the former government had published a list of 25 countries. When we took office I asked, “What does this mean? What's been done to focus in these countries, the concentration of the former government? How has the movement been? Have the resources followed? Have activities followed?” There was a list, I will grant you that. However, there was no directional indication of what “countries of concentration” meant under the former government, and certainly no articulated public statements focusing work within the country, etc.
Consequently, I want to be fair. We didn't go from a hundred and some odd countries or 78 countries down to 20. There was a list of 25 countries. Yes, there were changes in those countries. Some of the countries that were on the former list in fact were only receiving maybe $4 million in a bilateral program. The majority of the money going into that country was through our humanitarian assistance because it was a humanitarian situation that was happening, either through natural disasters or in many cases through conflict situations. So the best vehicle and the best means to address the largest or most significant challenges in that country would be through refugee settlement, to support food aid, to support responding to droughts, etc. When you look country by country, depending on the country, the impact of adjusting bilateral programming does not reduce our humanitarian support for those countries as well.
To address the question about what else at CIDA, I will say that there is one other thing that does concern me. Now that we've chosen thematic focused areas, I don't believe we have the expertise at CIDA. There was a day when CIDA historically, in the past, had expertise in-house. It moved away from that, I think, over the past decade, decade and a half. So now, as expertise is required, consultants are hired. I think if we choose a focus, it means we have to have at least a satisfactory level of expertise at CIDA.
The other thing too, and I think we can all witness it, is when we're working in a large department that has sectoral and also geographic interests and activities—and we've heard this about governments and the public service before—many times silos are created and there is not cross-talk and sharing of information across the silos. Consequently, you have things happening in isolation. It may be a multilateral branch, or a partnership branch, or a country branch. They don't talk to each other, so they don't know sort of what's happening in the health sector and what Canada is supporting. I'm not saying it's a blatant, humongous problem, but there wasn't that open vehicle by which that would happen naturally, so we're addressing that.
I think probably those are two observations. I think we would benefit from more in-house expertise and to ensure that we encourage cross-talk and that we work together as an agency. For example, in Africa, I've asked the African branch to come forward so that when we have our discussions with the African community, we've already done some investigation and due diligence on what is best addressed on a pan-Africa basis, on a regional basis, and then on a country-by-country basis.
If you look at the Great Lakes region, that is a region, but it includes many countries, so there are issues that they share. Maybe to address those issues we should look more regionally than at three, four, or five countries and different programs all addressing the same issue. That's the kind of thinking I would like to have happen at CIDA.
:
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of Parliament.
Following the opening remarks of our dean, His Excellency, Mr. Bawoumondom Amelete, Ambassador of the Republic of Togo, please allow me, in my capacity as spokesperson, to thank each and every one of you for your availability and your warm welcome, and to express our great pleasure at being here this afternoon to share with you our vision of the Canada-Africa Partnership.
Before that, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to state firmly that we come before you today as friends of Canada, mindful of the role your country plays as a G-8 member in Africa.
Let it be clear that we are not here this afternoon with a cup in hand, but rather, we come to share our convictions and our concerns with you in the hope of creating a renewed partnership with your country.
It is not about blaming someone for our under-development. We are responsible for errors committed in the strategic choices we made in development programs, for entertaining non-democratic systems of governance and for our weaknesses in terms of accountability, transparency and corruption. However, we wish to energetically assert that, despite these images of an Africa that has turned its back on peace and progress, there is another Africa, which is young, dynamic, industrious and innovative, and which is struggling to achieve positive results.
My colleagues and I are firmly convinced that, in the history of a friendship such as ours, there are moments when it becomes necessary and important to find time to sit down and communicate with each other, to create a new dialogue in order to strengthen and reinvigorate that friendship. That is why we are here this afternoon.
Ladies and gentlemen, distinguished members of Parliament, Africa's diplomatic relations with Canada are not new; for most of our countries, they date as far back as the early days of independence in the 1960s. Today, all of our countries enjoy diplomatic and/or trade relations with Canada. But, what is Canada to Africa?
Seen from Africa, Canada is a country of friendship, a friendly, developed country, multilingual, bilingual and without a colonial past; a country concerned about world peace and security, a loyal friend that stands up for its convictions, even if that means disagreeing with its best allies on matters that touch on its core values. Canada is a friend that understands the challenges of Africa because it experiences challenges of a similar nature at home, even if those challenges are not of the same magnitude.
Like many countries, Canada's economy is driven by raw materials. Certain regions of Canada have only one type of production and are keenly aware of how precarious such dependency can be. However, despite this fragility, Canada has been able to build a strong economy based on knowledge and technical know-how, and now stands tall among the eight greatest nations of this world. We, Africans, would like to emulate your shining example.
For us, Canada is a country whose people stand shoulder to shoulder with vulnerable people, both at home and elsewhere in the world, a country which uses public resources wisely, carefully, effectively and with skill, to support effective markets in the public interest.
For we, Africans, Canada, one of the greatest countries in the world, is a reliable partner we can count on. Canada's corporations and institutions are not as huge and anonymous as those of other world economic power houses. It is interesting to recall that, on many occasions, at international gatherings, Canada has stood shoulder to shoulder with Africa in defence of our continent's interests. This has been the case for agricultural subsidies, and especially as regards cotton.
That is the Canada that Africa knows, frequents and with whom it is anxious to move forward.
It is for all of these reasons that, without questioning Canada's right as a sovereign nation to set its own priorities, and the policies that go along with them, we were very disturbed by the government's recent decisions regarding our continent, decisions which seem to sound the death-knell for the bright days of our privileged relationship with Canada.
In that connection, we have in mind the closure of embassies in certain African countries; the establishment of a priority list of countries to receive Canadian aid; a reduction in the number of countries on that list; figures showing a downward trend in Canadian aid to Africa in favour of other regions of the world. Indeed, according to some sources, such as the Canadian Council for International Cooperation, with the list of 25 core countries, 70% of Canadian bilateral aid was going to Africa. With just 20 countries now, the proportion will drop to 35% after 2010.
These observations are even more baffling to us as they come at a time when new economic powers such as Brazil, China and India are rushing to secure a place on our continent and investing significant amounts of money in order to do so.
Are we to believe that our longtime friend has decided to let others pick up where it has left off, and to ignore the many studies, both from international financial institutions and private organizations, which all conclude that Africa will play a critical geostrategic role in the next decade with its population of 1.5 billion by 2020, 60% of which will be under the age of 25? Did the Honourable Peter MacKay, member of Parliament and former Minister of Foreign Affairs, not say, and I quote: “As to the question of knowing if Africa is a long-term challenge, I would say that even if currently, it is terrorism that is grabbing the headlines, Africa will be the most important challenge of my generation and the next”.
For we, Africans, tomorrow's challenge is already today's challenge. In terms of private investments, many Canadian firms are already investing in many different sectors in Africa, primarily mining, and are in an excellent competitive position. Furthermore, despite a few areas of concern, good governance is taking root in most of our countries, along with greater democratization and the organization of regular and pluralist elections which sometimes result in changes of government.
More independent and better equipped judicial systems are also being set up. An active civil society is emerging with more and more civil liberties and a free press. New institutions and programs, such as the Africa Peer Review; the Council for Peace and Security of the African Union, which is tackling conflict prevention and resolution; the Organization for the Harmonization in Africa of Business Law, which is improving the business environment and providing for better legal protection of investments; and the New Partnership for the Development of Africa, which is giving Africa a coherent program of development, all contribute to strengthening economic and political governance, thereby giving Africa hope, peace and development.
For a continent that has gone through the trials and tribulations of the Cold War and the consequences of the East-West confrontation on its soil to be able to take these important steps in just a few years is quite an achievement. Added to these positive steps with respect to good governance and democracy, are Africa's huge mineral deposits, that have prompted some to say that our continent is a geological scandal. Indeed, Africa has enormous natural resources, huge amounts of solar energy, 30% to 40% of global hydro-electric potential, considerable oil and gas reserves, 97% of the world's chrome, 85% of its platinum, 60% to 80% of the world's gold and diamond deposits, 64% of its manganese, as well as 9 billion tons of high-concentration bauxite, significant reserves of phosphate, abundant natural and wildlife, and so on.
Unfortunately, the tsunami brought on by the current global financial crisis is likely to wipe away all these efforts and mortgage the opportunities that these resources represent for our countries.
In fact, from 2004 to 2008, general economic reform programs in Africa resulted in an average rate of growth of 6% annually. Now, however, the current crisis will break that momentum and force the growth rate down to 2.8% in 2009. The reduction by half of that growth rate erases all hope of increasing per capita income on the continent, because of equivalent population growth over the same period.
According to World Bank estimates, the number of poor—in other words, people living with the equivalent of $1.25 US or less—will increase by 2% to 500 million, 50 million of whom are in Africa, with all the ensuing negative consequences for the people of Africa. Fewer resources mean fewer meals, fewer children in school, and less health care. This crisis may well carry with it businesses, mines, jobs and people's economic livelihood.
In Africa, no less than anywhere else, time is of the essence and decisive action is needed right now. In record time, rich countries were able to put up hundreds of billions of dollars to come to the rescue of their own businesses and citizens. As a victim of collateral damage, Africa is asking that a very small part of those resources—7% of global GDP—be allocated to it in order to meet these challenges.
According to a recent study by the African Development Bank, the continent needs about $106 billion US over a two-year period—from 2009 to 2010—just to maintain the previous growth rate. However, in order to get the wheels of the economy really turning again and reach the 7% growth rate needed to provide basic infrastructure and reduce poverty by half between now and 2015, it will take $247 billion US over the same period to reach that objective. That is the amount announced by Barack Obama for the stimulus package in the United States alone. It is the equivalent of 10% of China's foreign exchange reserves. In this context, it is clear that this is within the realm of the possible if the entire international community is involved in assisting the billions of people in need.
That is why we are asking our longtime friend, Canada, to again take its place as the world's social conscience, which has done so much for its reputation and credibility.
We therefore have included recommendations on page 9 which we see as an attractive set of concrete proposals. We are asking that members of Parliament support these proposals, examine them carefully and gain a clear understanding of the authorities and the populations involved, so that vigourous and urgent action may be taken to assist Africa. These recommendations relate to political issues around democracy, good governance, peace and security, infrastructure, energy, agriculture, human development, occupational training, and so on.
Of course, as we mentioned earlier, we understand that every country sets its own policies according to its means, its constraints and its priorities. However, it is worth noting that Canada, like other developed countries, undertook at the Copenhagen Summit—a commitment which was later confirmed by the United Nations General Assembly when the Millennium Goals were adopted—to dedicate 0.7% of its GDP to official development assistance and to work towards reducing poverty by half by 2015.
Unfortunately, the poor are in Africa. Today, at 0.32% and ranked 16th on the list of 22 developed countries—according to the OECD—we are a long way from achieving that goal.
According to the United Nations, the Millennium Goals aimed at reducing poverty by 50% by 2015 will not be met as long as the various bilateral lenders, including Canada, do not meet by their commitment to dedicate 0.7% of their GDP to official development assistance. The same experts believe that, if the current rate is maintained, Africa cannot expect to reduce poverty by half before 2150—in other words, 130 years from now.
Certainly, we are very appreciative of the significant efforts made by Canada with respect to basic education, the fight against HIV/AIDS, malaria and other pandemics in Africa, as well as its contribution to peace and security in the world.
Today, more than yesterday, however, we have to face the facts: prosperity, peace and security go hand in hand. They nurture one another and grow together. Also, it is very important that we work together, starting now, with our long-time friend to put a stop to violence and terrorism which are making an appearance here and there on the continent, particularly cases of abduction, piracy, and so on.
It is an illusion to believe, as some do, that one can separate business from development and security. One cannot flourish without the other.
We believe that Canada's decision to seek other partners should not be to Africa's detriment. In spite of that, and given expressions of friendship and solidarity from the people of Canada, high-ranking politicians, the press and the civil society, including the strong voice of a former Prime Minister, the Right Honourable Joe Clark, who called for continued preferential solidarity with Africa in the Globe and Mail, we remain optimistic, and are confident that Canada-Africa relations can continue to improve and develop in a mutually beneficial manner, in order to meet the challenges of development, the fight against poverty and the promotion of peace and security in the world.
Ladies and gentlemen, Canada's commitment to Africa, which remains just as critical, valuable and well-defined, must continue to be unshakable and conform to its values which, more often than not, are the same as those of Africa. That is why, while noting the new measures and the somewhat ambiguous message being sent to Africa, we remain confident and are mindful of the assurances given us by our partners at the Department of Foreign Affairs and CIDA.
While not denying the importance of multilateral contributions, we believe that Canada's deep felt values and the potential for development of the African continent militate in favour of a specific, comprehensive and renewed African political strategy.
Finally, ladies and gentlemen, in one word or in a thousand, we wish to see Canada take its place again and demonstrate its leadership in Africa, as part of a comprehensive win-win partnership, because we believe that the country of Pearson, Trudeau, Joe Clark, Kim Campbell, Jean Chrétien, Paul Martin, Brian Mulroney and many other great sons and daughters of Canada has always responded positively, every time there was a need to work together towards a better world, a more cohesive, fairer and richer world for all.
Thank you very much. I want to apologize for going over my time, but I believe the importance of what I had to say compelled me to do so.
Thank you for your kind attention.