:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
I would like to welcome all the new members of the committee, especially the member for , a member from Quebec; I say that out of good-natured regionalism.
I'd like to welcome you, Ms. Chatel, to this committee. You'll find that we generally work very well together.
As for the invitation to travel, Montreal is an hour and a half or two hours from here. You can get there by train or by bus. So it's not really a problem, I think, for our colleagues in British Columbia or elsewhere. Of course, for Quebeckers, going to Montreal is not a problem.
Now, I just want to say that we're absolutely determined, if the committee so decides, to visit the oil spill site in northern Alberta. We talked about it a lot last spring. Our ambition was to go there and use the opportunity to travel across Canada at the same time, but upon reflection, I think that we were perhaps a little too ambitious.
In any case, I would just like to make sure that this trip to Montreal won't hurt our chances of getting funding to visit the site of the oil spill and meet with the indigenous community there. It's very important for us to do this, out of respect for the people who have suffered from this situation and to experience the same reality as they have.
We understand that flights in that area are not very frequent. We're well aware of that. That said, one of our roles as members of Parliament is to see how people across Canada experience their daily reality. Even if, by chance, we had to take a lot of flights to get there and there were costs involved, even though I'm a very strong fiscal Conservative, and I feel that every expense is suspect and that there are no small savings, I believe that, in this case, it would be our role, our duty and our responsibility to do so. We need to go where the problems are and meet directly with Canadians who are experiencing problems like the one last spring.
I just want to make sure that this event in Montreal, although it looks very interesting, doesn't undermine our budget capacity to travel to Alberta later to see first-hand the impact that this oil spill a few months ago has had on indigenous communities.
Thank you.
:
I think that's the consensus we need to reach as well. I do want to point out two things.
Earlier, Mr. Chair, you said that, based on your experience and intuition, the very high bill for all the planned trips wasn't necessarily the reason why our request was turned down. You have much more experience than I do here in the House of Commons and in politics. However, I must admit that, in this case, I would be a bit surprised and disappointed if, by some misfortune, the committee didn't want us to go. We've talked about that a lot here. It's an issue that has resonated with us all. We all remember the testimony of the grand chief and the representatives of the indigenous communities who came here. We all wanted to go and see them to understand what they had gone through. It's all well and good to have conversations here, in the House and on Zoom, but there's nothing like going there to meet people and experience their daily reality, especially when the time comes to travel.
That's my first comment.
Now I would like to go back to what Mr. van Koeverden said. I would also like to congratulate him on his French. I sincerely thank him.
[English]
It's to raise the point that, as the environmental committee, we have to be careful when we travel. I do agree 100% with you, and this is sometimes what I think when I see the travelling all around the world, but my other point is that I think it's part of the job to go there, especially for this issue. When we talk about the oil spill that happened, it hurt those people directly. It's part of our job to do this.
I'm not a flying guy, by the way. I love airplanes. I love the history of airplanes, but I don't like to fly. More than ever, I would say, like a lot of people, I am very concerned about the environmental footprint when we travel. On the other hand, if I do travel, this will be very efficient, and it's part of my job. I don't think I've travelled.... I think I travelled just before the pandemic situation, maybe on one or two flights but nothing more. It's not because I am cheap, but because I'm careful of that more and more, like everybody.
If there is a trip that we should do, if there is something that we have to do, it's to go there. Keep in mind that, when it's useful or it's important, there's no problem with that.
:
Right now, the way the motion reads doesn't make any sense to me, which I think is part of what Ms. Taylor Roy.... It reads that the Minister of Energy and Minerals in Alberta owns companies. He doesn't own any of the companies. It doesn't make any sense.
Also, in reviewing the transcript for the debate at this committee—the part of it that was public—this is the wrong minister. I understand that there was concern about the pause that's been done on renewable energy development, but it's the wrong minister. He's not even the one responsible.
In fact, I have the order in council that was passed, and it's Minister Nathan Neudorf. That's the one who is responsible for the AUC, the Alberta Utilities Commission. That minister is the who is responsible.
There's an explanation. I'm going to read part of it into the record because I want to make sure that everybody understands why this needs to be struck out and why it would be much better to invite somebody else, because right now this motion just doesn't make sense.
This is from the Lieutenant Governor in Council in the Province of Alberta. Again, this is in August 2023. This was recommended by the Minister of Affordability and Utilities, Minister Nathan Neudorf. Here's the order in council, which:
(a) orders the Alberta Utilities Commission to inquire into and report to the Minister of Affordability and Utilities on the ongoing economic, orderly and efficient development and operation, in the public interest, of electricity generation in Alberta, in accordance with the terms of reference in the attached Schedule,
(b) determines that the Alberta Utilities Commission has the same power with respect to ordering by whom and to whom its costs and other costs of, or incidental to, the inquiry described in clause (a) are to be paid as the Commission has with respect to its hearings and other proceedings.
When the pause was announced, Minister Nathan Neudorf then instructed the AUC to conduct hearings. There's an inquiry being conducted.
There's a long preamble, but I won't read the preamble into the record so don't worry about that. It piqued my interest. That's why I'm here at a committee that I don't usually sit on.
[Translation]
If people want to pick a fight, then I'll read it.
[English]
It instructs the following in the terms of reference for the Alberta Utilities Commission:
[The AUC] shall inquire into the following matters for the purposes of gathering and providing information to government:
a. Considerations on development of power plants on specific types or classes of agricultural or environmental land;
b. Considerations of the impact of power plant development on Alberta's pristine viewscapes;
c. Considerations of implementing mandatory reclamation security requirements for power plants;
d. Considerations for development of power plants on lands held by the Crown in Right of Alberta;
e. Considerations of the impact the increasing growth of renewables has to both generation supply mix and electricity system reliability.
It goes on to say, “In conducting the inquiry, the AUC shall hear from interested parties.” It then says, by March 29, 2024, it must submit a report, so it's not a stop. It's just a pause.
:
That's the first part of it. You have the wrong person in this. I think the original intent was to speak about this part of it. There's a whole Renewable Electricity Act in Alberta. The targets are legislated. There's no way around it, and the legislation has not been changed because the assembly did not meet. This is the legislation. It's all in here. It was passed by the Legislative Assembly of Alberta. There's no requirement.
There are really three points to this. The minister owns it. You have the wrong person to be calling before the committee. I also don't understand why you only have one CEO from an oil and gas company. You should invite all of them. That's, I believe, what the natural resources committee did. I believe it was actually an amendment from the government side to invite other energy executives as well, but I don't understand why you don't have Gibson, Tourmaline and Imperial—especially Imperial because they're headquartered in my riding. You should invite them to appear before the committee. You are duplicating the work of the natural resources committee, but I'll leave that to the government side and its allies to determine whether that's wise or not in the use of resources among the different parliamentary committees.
Right now, as it stands, it just doesn't make sense. The net-zero emissions targets that Alberta has are legislated. They're by 2050, and they have to be met because they're in legislation. In fact, Alberta is going to have decommissioned all of its coal power plants by next year, which is six or seven years ahead of schedule. It's happening. We're decarbonizing the entire electricity network.
I'll also remind you that everything I read in this OIC, order in council, is exclusive provincial jurisdiction. It's exclusive. It has nothing to do with any other province or the federal government. The provinces—and I hope my Bloc colleagues will appreciate this—are coequal levels of government. My government in Alberta doesn't owe any of us here a reddition de comptes. It doesn't have to explain why it's determined to do something that's an exclusive area of provincial jurisdiction. I just wanted to mention that. I know the Quebeckers will perfectly understand what I'm trying to say.
In the case of our province, we are far ahead of everybody else in having more clean energy megawatts in our province. I think 75% of investments in 2022 by private companies were invested in Alberta, and that is on the record. That is publicly available information out there, so we are leading the way. We have targets that we are supposed to have 15% of our renewable energy by 2022. Again, it's in this act right here. It says 15%. I think we're at 17% or 18%, according to our systems operator. We're supposed to be at 20% by 2025 and at 26% by 2028.
This order in council was necessary from this particular minister because the targets are legislated. This is why trying to strike it out and make it more generic to environmental plans and targets.... Plans are not good enough. You need the targets. That way they can explain the legislation and the legislative framework that exists, if that's the will of the committee.
Again, there are long documents publicly available online on why this is being done. It's so that they can meet those targets. Right now, large investments are happening on agricultural land. Something like 16,000 hectares of pristine agricultural land are going to be turned over into power plants. That is an issue in rural municipalities. The rural municipalities in Alberta have raised this issue now repeatedly over many months, and they're the ones leading the charge in wanting a review, because they want to make sure that farmers, producers and ranchers are getting fair payments. They also want to make sure that....
They fought for a long time to make sure that oil and gas companies were treating subsurface rights and subsurface access in a right, fair fashion. That's not happening right now because the rules are actually different for these two. Before, you had farmers fighting oil and gas companies over the types of graded roads they'd be able to put on their properties to access a well. Now these types of roads are coming back for clean energy development, and they're having the same fights all over again, because the rules are different, which is why this order in council was deemed necessary by the provincial government.
Again, that's a provincial rule. I think this amendment is infinitely reasonable. As I say, there is an inquiry under way right now by a provincial regulator—public—and it's going to report back by the end of March. That's why I think this amendment is necessary. It will clean up this motion, I think, and vastly improve it as it stands right now.
I have other amendments I'd like to propose afterwards, as well.
:
I think Mr. Kmiec put his finger precisely on the problem that affects everyone here.
First, the Standing Committee on Natural Resources is doing exactly the same review, so we're duplicating what's already being done.
Furthermore, we Conservatives are sticklers for jurisdiction. I think the federal government has enough on its plate without barging into areas of provincial responsibility. This particular issue falls squarely under provincial jurisdiction. As a Quebecker, I cannot accept this. I know I have a lot of my Alberta colleagues harbour the same kind of nationalist pride about their province. That's great, because that's what makes our country so wonderful. However, respecting provincial areas of jurisdiction means that attempts to encroach on them is not in the interest of the nation or of Canadians.
Personally, I find it a real shame that the federal government has barged into areas of provincial responsibility many times over the past eight years. For example, the federal government gave itself the power to veto Quebec's hydro projects. Unfortunately, the Bloc Québécois voted in favour of that. The federal government also gave itself the right to put a price on carbon, even in provinces that have their own system, such as Quebec, which has a carbon exchange. Unfortunately, the Bloc Québécois is okay with that. Never mind the Liberals' tax 2.0, a coast-to-coast tax that the Bloc Québécois supports.
We actually need to look to the provinces for inspiration. When provinces take smart, methodical, coordinated action to develop their energy potential, that serves as inspiration, especially for renewable resources and the environment.
We all remember that, in the 1940s and 1950s, the Government of Quebec was very proactive about developing the province's hydro resources. One thing it did was triple the output of the Beauharnois plant. It also built two major generating stations, Bersimis‑1 and Bersimis‑2, in the middle of the forest in 1953 and 1956. In addition, it assessed the exceptional energy potential of the Outardes and Manicouagan rivers in the 1950s to green-light this green energy source way back in 1958. Last but not least, it got the Carillon plant under way. In the 1940s and 1950s, Quebec made a lot of progress on hydro power and green energy. Quebec is reaping the benefits to this day, and so is Canada. There's a reason Quebec's premier was at the UN, in New York, yesterday and the day before.
Let me point out that other provinces have also been at the forefront when it comes to the environment. Many people seem to forget that.
Does anyone know which province was the first to have a minister of the environment? It was Alberta. In 1971.
Does anyone know which province was the first to force large emitters to pay a carbon price? It was Alberta.
Does anyone know which province was the first to introduce a rigorous environmental assessment process for major projects? It was Alberta.
Does anyone know which province has the largest solar and wind energy developments? It's Alberta.
Mr. Chair, there is no denying—
With great respect to my friend and colleague Mr. Kmiec, I agree that we 100% need to respect provincial jurisdiction, but in this case, Premier Smith actually disagrees that this is entirely provincial jurisdiction. She said that the reason they are putting a moratorium on renewable energy projects is that.... I will quote. One of the reasons they've put a moratorium on this is that “the feds are preventing development of backup generation for renewable energy like natural gas”, which is not a renewable energy
I think he recognizes that you have your hand up.
The federal government does have a role to play here. If she would like to build natural gas preferentially over wind, solar, hydro and nuclear, that may be her prerogative, but as my colleague just said, emissions do not respect provincial boundaries. In 2005, in Ontario, we had five operating coal and coke power plants. A Liberal government ran on a promise to close those down. In 2006, we had 80 smog days in Ontario, and since then we've had less than four. It's because we don't have coal plants anymore.
You said that Alberta's a leader in renewable energy. They absolutely are—because of their progress, but not because of their position. It's because of their rate of acceleration, but not for their current position. Alberta generates their electricity with 90% of their grid coming from coal and coke currently, so we're getting there with Alberta. They have a goal to be off of coal and coke by next spring. However, currently 90% of that grid is electrified using coal and coke.
That's an ambitious target. I respect that. However, putting a moratorium on new renewable energy projects in the province is going to stifle that goal. I have an interest in the respiratory health of Albertans. I have an interest in reducing the amount of energy grid in Canada that's supplied by coal and coke. It was a huge thing for Ontario to get off. Now Ontario's natural gas is the only non-renewable energy source that provides energy to the grid, and it's only 70%. Quebec is by far the best in the country, with 94% from hydro and only 6% from the rest. Ontario uses mostly nuclear. Ontario, B.C. and Quebec are the leaders in this because of our position, not because of our rate of acceleration—
An hon. member: [Inaudible—Editor]
Mr. Adam van Koeverden: Yes.
I'm going to disagree, obviously, because one sentence in a statement made by the premier doesn't prove it. The parliamentary secretary is wrong on that. The premier has been very clear that she believes that federal attempts to legislate utilities in our province and our targets are unconstitutional. They are unconstitutional now. They will be unconstitutional in the future.
You can't say you respect provincial jurisdictions and then try to encroach on them through the back door, sideways or by any other means possible.
The Supreme Court—
An hon. member: [Inaudible—Editor]
Mr. Tom Kmiec: I'm getting to that now, because I have it right here. I'll even read it into the record, if you interrupt me again. As for the reference regarding the Greenhouse Gas Pollution Pricing Act, it was a 6-3 decision, Chair, as you know. It was a 6-3 decision. Those are the best kinds: 5-4 and 6-3.
You know the best laws are made in dissenting opinions. That's what a lot of lawyers have always told me. I am not burdened with a legal education, thankfully, but that's what they've always told me. In those decisions, the three dissenting judges, with different opinions, explained why. It was because they thought it would be a Trojan Horse and that, in the future, the government would again make the claim that the environment is a shared jurisdiction and, therefore, because it is, you can then get into the business of the provinces through that back door. This is the back door now.
Now utilities will be legislated by the federal government making a claim that, because carbon travels in the atmosphere across provincial jurisdictions.... Of course, I agree with that. That makes absolute, common sense. However, in this one that we're talking about, the original intent of this motion, I think, was to call a specific CEO for his public statements.
I'm all for it. Go and do it. In fact, you should call more of them, which is why the natural resources committee's motion adding the words, I believe, “to call other energy executives” was a smart idea. You should call as many of them as you wish to before this committee. Call all of them if you want to, one after another. That's totally up to you.
However, on this particular point—provincial jurisdiction—again, my amendment is very simple. I'm just trying to make the motion make sense grammatically, I hope. English is a third language, so I'm trying here. I'm trying to make it grammatically correct.
The Minister of Energy and Minerals is wrong. The minister doesn't own any companies. He's not the one responsible for the moratorium that has been called. There are good technical reasons for doing it. If you want, I actually have the technical report for it, which I could read into the record. That will all depend on how the rest of this debate goes before we proceed to a vote.
I will mention that the AUC, the Alberta Utilities Commission, said only 13 projects have been put on hold. That's the totality of projects that are affected by the temporary pause. It's not a stop; it's a pause. There is no disagreement between the OIC—the cabinet order that was issued—and the legislation. The OIC was issued so that the government can fulfill its legislative obligations, which the legislature passed and the legislation forces them to do.
The OIC was made under the Alberta Utilities Commission Act, and it is a direction. It's a directive now to the regulator to proceed with an inquiry so that, especially in these rural communities.... I have the statement from the Rural Municipalities of Alberta on exactly what their issues are with how the regulations are spelled out right now.
That's what I'm trying to address in my amendment. That's what I'm trying to fix here. It's so that we can proceed with something whereby they could come in and explain the environmental targets and their plans. You can't talk about environmental plans without talking about the targets. They go hand in hand together.
The last thing I was going to mention here, because even the AUC and the government recognize in the public statements they made.... I'm going to read this part. It reads:
While Alberta has already reduced electricity emissions by 53% from 2005 to 2021, our province does not have enough non-emitting base load electricity, like hydro or nuclear. Wind and solar are intermittent sources that do not provide consistent power to keep our grid reliable during our cold winter months.
It goes on to mention that Alberta has, based on regulations, a target “to have a net-zero grid by 2035”, and then they have legislative targets for carbon neutrality by 2050. Those have not changed. Those are all still there, which is why you should have them come in and talk about the targets and the plan, so that it's all consistent as an entire image and an entire profile that you get. We're far ahead.
Alberta has been very clear. It considers the federal attempts to get involved in our provincial jurisdictions unconstitutional. We should all be trying to defend our provinces.
I believe I've been subbed in and I appreciate listening to this important discussion that we've had today.
With that, I'd like to move another motion, if I could:
That the committee express its disappointment with the regulatory environment created by this government that has led to tidal power projects pulling out of Canada and acknowledges that one of the primary factors contributing to the departure of these capital investments has been recent changes that have created an intricate regulatory landscape.
I believe the clerk has a copy of the motion, and the motion is being distributed. Thank you.
For those who are not aware, obviously for me as the member of Parliament for South Shore—St. Margarets in Nova Scotia, the issue is the attempt to create renewable energy opportunities in Atlantic Canada so that we can meet the net-zero target and get off of coal by 2030, as the government has mandated. Nova Scotia is the province that generates the second-largest amount of electricity from coal. The coal comes from Colombia.
There have been a lot of attempts to deal with the power of the Bay of Fundy. If you're not familiar with the Bay of Fundy, it has the largest tides in the world, with a range of 52 feet. It rises and drops every day. The flow of the water through the Bay of Fundy is equivalent to the flow of all rivers in the world. In one day, it goes in and out of the Bay of Fundy. That being the case, there have been many projects trying to harness the tidal energy of the Bay of Fundy. Most of them have involved putting turbines on the ocean floor. Most of those did not succeed.
However, there was a recent experiment on tidal energy that had a great deal of success, but it was an experiment and it had a temporary permit. It was by a company called Sustainable Marine Energy Canada. It involved a floating turbine that was on top of the water. It's the first project that actually didn't get destroyed by the tide. Within 24 to 48 hours the power of the Bay of Fundy tide had destroyed all those turbines that were put on the ocean floor. The actual turbines were destroyed by the power of that tide, which you can actually surf on when it comes in.
A new approach was to put it on top of the water, and that succeeded. In fact, it didn't get destroyed. Not only did it not get destroyed, but it actually produced energy into the Nova Scotia power grid directly and is the first tidal project in Canada that has actually produced revenue for the company from the generation of that tidal power.
As some of you may be aware, though, when the project moved to the next stage, the process was stopped. It was stopped by the Department of Fisheries and Oceans, which has a great deal of power, and not only land-based energy projects to stop pipelines because of fish in a stream or some sort of thing. This has happened many times. They actually have a lot of power. Of course everything in the ocean is a federal responsibility and, therefore, DFO has the ability and responsibility to manage the oceans. In this case, after five years of a project and $60 million of capital invested, when the project was moving to the next step of the first successful tidal power project, the Department of Fisheries and Oceans under this Liberal government stopped it.
Now that turbine has been removed from the water and actually disassembled, and the company is leaving. That doesn't mean they're not going to try to continue to challenge these things, but to understand what's being missed here and why I think this committee needs to express its disappointment on the issue, I will say that it is estimated that by 2040, the tidal energy industry in Nova Scotia could generate $1.7 billion for Nova Scotia's GDP. It could create 22,000 full-time jobs and generate as much as $815 million in labour income.
More important than that, though, because of the obvious predictability of these tides, because of the moon and the rise of the sea, this zero-emission energy, which has had a successful target.... Three hundred megawatts of generation, which isn't a lot relative to power, could actually power one-quarter of Nova Scotia's homes through tidal power.
Maybe it doesn't seem like a lot, but that's estimated to be just a fraction of the potential tidal energy power—clean renewable energy—of the Bay of Fundy that we all see. It is estimated that 2,500 megawatts could be generated, which means Nova Scotia could become an exporter of clean renewable energy.
However, the Department of Fisheries and Oceans, under the Liberal government, decided that this wasn't worth pursuing and that the first successful project in the history of harnessing tidal power in the Bay of Fundy should be stopped.
As a Nova Scotian and as somebody who cares about getting our province off coal.... Our province is the second-largest generator of electricity from coal, Alberta being the first, and we've already heard from my colleague Mr. Kmiec that most of that generation in Alberta will be ending soon. That would leave Nova Scotia as the largest generator of electricity from coal. More than 50% of our electricity is generated from coal, and it's not the good old Cape Breton coal that we all used to get a lot of jobs out of in Nova Scotia. It's coal that is open-pit mined in Colombia and shipped to Nova Scotia to those coal-powered generating plants.
Our premier, Tim Houston, has been very vocal about, what I'd call, his incredulity as to why this determination was made. In fact, DFO never even told the public or the company why they refused to allow this project to go forward and just used its excessive power under the Fisheries and Oceans Act. The CEO of this company said that the department wouldn't show Sustainable Marine the evidence behind the claims that they were going to harm fish in some way.
However, they did approve every other project that went to the ocean floor, which apparently didn't harm fish. I can tell you, as a former fisheries critic for my party and as somebody who has 7,000 commercial fishermen in my riding, there's a lot of important seafood on the ocean floor—lobsters, crab and all of those things, so it's not just fish that swim—or, as we call them, pelagic fish, but it's crustaceans that move on the floor.
Therefore, if turbines were to harm the fishery, they would have harmed the fishery in the Bay of Fundy, which is quite lucrative in terms of lobster. For some reason, though, the arbitrariness of the Department of Fisheries and Oceans kicked in. The company has given enormous amounts of information on this.
Premier Tim Houston, at the time of the announcement in the spring, said, “Shame on the federal government.” He posted it in a video. It was important that he speak publicly on it. This is a quote from the premier:
“You likely know from the media that the federal government is excited about reaching into your pocket and taking your money in the name of a carbon tax,” he continues, “...yet when faced with real opportunities, to make meaningful positive change...like the one Sustainable Marine is creating, it's shut down.”
Now, I don't know what the ultimate objective of the government is in shutting down an important power project like this. I don't know how the federal government wants Nova Scotia to get off of coal if we can't build a natural gas pipeline. In Bill they made sure we could not get one to come to Nova Scotia with good ethical Albertan natural gas to replace coal, which would reduce our carbon emissions in Nova Scotia by half. If we can't harness the power of the tides in Nova Scotia, one of the greatest untapped energy sources in the world....
Also, it's really quite ironic, given that the government has introduced Bill , which started second reading this week in the House, and which gives a new mandate to the Nova Scotia Offshore Petroleum Board as well as the Newfoundland and Labrador Offshore Petroleum Board and sets in -type processes for the development of offshore oil and gas in Atlantic Canada. That means none will happen, because that's the intent of Bill C-69.
Also, it imposes that same rigorous, lengthy, excessive and bureaucratic process on wind energy in the ocean. Obviously DFO will use its ability, because under Bill DFO has the ability to say no. If they think somewhere in the future, down the way, 50 years from now, they might put a marine protected area, perhaps maybe sort of in that area that you're thinking of putting wind power in, they're not going to let you do it. They have a veto power to do that. That's the kind of excessive overreach on power that the government is doing.
On top of that, there's the inconsistency of the government in putting its message forward saying it believes we should have clean renewable energy, yet when we have the opportunity to do it, it either uses the power of DFO to kill the project or it uses the power of imposing C-69-type bureaucratic processes on the future approval of wind and tidal power projects in Atlantic Canada.
What are we supposed to do but continue to import coal if this government says one thing and does another? It says it wants us on renewable resources, but it puts barriers in the way of actually producing and creating those renewable resources—clean zero-emission energy projects that are right here on the coast of my province, Nova Scotia.
It's incredibly disappointing, and I would ask that this committee seriously consider this motion and the trail of contradictory decisions by this government of saying one thing and doing another when it comes to Atlantic Canada and renewable resources.
I know some of my colleagues have a few things they would like to add as well, because my colleagues—on this side anyway—have shown a great deal of interest in all of the issues around Nova Scotia, certainly the ones I'm passionate about, including all of the issues around the ocean and the issues around the fishery.
It's mind-boggling that DFO would stop such a renewable resource project.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.