Mr. Chair, committee members, colleagues, I would like to start by expressing my thanks to all of you for allowing me the opportunity to share my views on the role that Pakistan has played, which is an important component in the overall mission in Afghanistan.
This role, which is critically important, must continue. It must continue in helping NATO and Canada achieve our objectives in Afghanistan. It's timely for the committee to be focusing on this question as the international community increasingly encourages and engages Pakistan in our Afghanistan strategy. And I am certain that Canadians would agree with that.
This has been an issue of much discussion in the public and private forum of late. And after almost 30 years of turmoil and civil war, it's time for Afghanistan to rejoin the community of nations as a stable, secure, and self-sustaining democracy that will last and never again serve as a haven for terrorist groups. This long-term objective informs our nation-building activities in Afghanistan, activities that fall into three broad categories: helping to enhance security and stabilize the country; helping to strengthen accountability and representative government and democracy building; and helping to reduce poverty and improve the lives of Afghans.
Clearly, Mr. Chair, Canadians are in Afghanistan defending Canada's national interests by fighting against the threat of international terrorism. Canada and its numerous international partners have the means to help, and I would argue that there is a moral obligation for us to do so, that is, to help Afghanistan rebuild so that its people can live their lives free from oppression, violence, and the abysmal conditions that existed under a Taliban government.
The new government has been clear since our election that we stand for basic Canadian values: freedom, democracy, the rule of law, and respect for human rights. We are playing an important part as a responsible NATO partner in a UN-backed mission and as a global actor by standing up for those values. And we are delivering these principles and values, along with humanitarian aid and relief, into this region.
Our efforts are already paying dividends. The December 2001 Bonn agreement, agreed to by a wide spectrum of Afghan interests, established the first phase of national reconstruction and consolidation. It outlined a basic framework of timetables for implementing a new and democratic Afghan state. The Bonn agreement led to the creation of a new constitution and the holding of successful presidential, parliamentary, and provincial elections, all of which enjoyed high rates of participation. Voter turnout was higher than 60%, and almost half of all voters were women, which is unprecedented in that country, I'm quick to add.
Mr. Chairman, Afghans expressed remarkable resolve by participating in these historic elections. They did so often under a threat of violence, but by so doing they have clearly indicated their intention to chart a new course for their country through the democratic process. While elections are an important part of that, democracy is the surest, safest route to lasting stability.
[Translation]
With the Bonn Agreement benchmarks met, a new five-year road map, the Afghanistan Compact, was agreed to last January by the Afghan government and 60 other members of the international community. Over the next five years, the Compact will guide our joint efforts through Afghanistan’s next phase of recovery. The Compact is a comprehensive five-year strategy incorporating security, governance and development benchmarks, which the Afghan government and its international partners have agreed to pursue jointly.
[English]
Mr. Chair, this is why Canada has brought together elements from the Canadian Forces, Foreign Affairs, the Canadian International Development Agency, and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police in a whole of government approach to addressing the compact benchmarks. Working together, we're doing the following: promoting the development of a stable and secure environment in Afghanistan; helping to build governance capacity in that country; and reforming Afghanistan's security sector, including policing and border control.
The overall objective of these activities, of course, is to create a conducive environment in which the reconstruction efforts can take place under an umbrella of security. Bringing together the best of what Canada can offer, we are making a meaningful contribution to international reconstruction and stabilization efforts there, but there's still much more to be done.
Implementing the Afghan compact and meeting the goals we have set with the Government of Afghanistan and our international partners will be an enormous challenge, and the costs of failing to deliver are equally enormous. Some would call this the challenge of our time, and our nation in generations to come will look at this as a defining moment.
Nation building is a complex process, and only a comprehensive and sustained effort by all players will ensure our success. Canada and NATO have long recognized the regional nature of the nation-building exercise we have undertaken in Afghanistan. This recognition is perhaps best exemplified through the establishment last year of an annual regional economic cooperation conference in Afghanistan, more commonly known or referred to as the RECC. It brings focus and foresight to the building of the Afghan economy and Afghan stability.
Meetings of the RECC bring together Afghanistan and its neighbours, along with representatives from the G-8 group of nations and the key international organizations, to develop regional cooperation plans to promote economic development and security in Afghanistan and the entire region. In fact, Mr. Chairman, my colleague, the parliamentary secretary for foreign affairs, Mr. Deepak Obhrai, has just returned from representing Canada at that second conference meeting, which took place in New Delhi last week.
While we recognize the importance of the multilateral mechanisms such as the RECC, we also accept that many of the challenges we face are best treated as issues between Afghanistan and its immediate neighbours. It was in recognition of this that the so-called tripartite commission was established in June 2003. This commission is a group of military and diplomatic representatives from Pakistan, Afghanistan, and NATO who meet about every two months to work out measures for improving security cooperation among the various players. The 19th meeting of the tripartite commission just wrapped up in Kabul on November 12. Some of the issues currently being addressed by the commission include the following: Afghan-Pakistan border security, which I expect we'll discuss further here; improved military intelligence sharing amongst the parties; the development of more effective countermeasures for dealing with the improvised explosive devices, the IEDs; and finally, enhancing operational cooperation between NATO and Afghan security forces.
Mr. Chair, the establishment of the tripartite commission is a recognition of the fact that solutions to many of the challenges we face in Afghanistan will surely not be found solely within the Afghan borders, and that the integral role Pakistan plays in this commission is a further recognition that of Afghanistan's neighbours, Pakistan is arguably the most important. There are many reasons why this is the case, but one way or another they all lead back to the fact that the international border between Pakistan and Afghanistan is not being monitored or policed to the extent necessary. You've heard many of the expressions to describe it as “porous”, as “open”.
While many efforts are being made, there is one reality that can't be denied, and that is that 40 million Pashtuns are estimated to live along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. It is from this tribal group that the Taliban insurgents who are attacking our troops derive most of their support—not solely, but this is the chief source. Moreover, it is estimated that some 30,000 Pashtuns move, effectively unhindered, back and forth across the Afghanistan border every day.
Just to put it in some historical context, if I might, Mr. Chair, this border was officially drawn by the British government—the British Indian government—and the Afghanistan kingdom back in 1893. It's been treated as an international border, while at the same time Afghanistan has never recognized it and has disputed it from its origins.
Mr. Chair, we must recognize the effort Pakistan has undertaken in recent years to mitigate cross-border infiltration into Afghanistan. However, much more needs to be done. They have talked about fences; they have talked about mines, which we oppose; aerial surveillance. Again, I will come back to this subject, but they have deployed some 90,000 troops into the border regions and have suffered over 800 casualties fighting insurgents since 2002. Nevertheless, we believe President Musharraf's government can and must do more, and, Mr. Chairman, Canada is willing to help.
As I told Pakistan's Prime Minister Aziz at the recent micro-credit international gathering in Halifax, Canada maintains a strategic friendship with Pakistan based on a broad range of mutual interests. And although security concerns remain at the forefront of our engagement, we accept that there are limits on what can be achieved through military cooperation alone.
Canada has done much in recent years to assist Pakistan outside of the security sector. For example, the Canadian International Development Agency is a significant contributor to development efforts in Pakistan, including the innovative $132 million debt for education swap, which will convert Pakistan's bilateral debt to Canada into increased spending on education in Pakistan. We hope that through such endeavours the Government of Pakistan will be better able to enhance and expand its public education system, ideally doing away with situations where parents have no real choice but to send their children to unregistered madrassas for formal education. We have seen, sadly, that these have often become recruiting centres for extremism.
[Translation]
Canada also gave generously to relief and reconstruction efforts following the earthquake in Pakistan in October 2005. Last month, on the first anniversary of the earthquake, Minister for International Assistance announced a further contribution of $40 million for reconstruction assistance, bringing Canada’s total contribution to more than $130 million.
[English]
On top of these efforts, Mr. Chair, we are fortunate to enjoy a mature relationship with Pakistan to also promote Canadian values within the Musharraf government, including human rights, full democracy and good governance, as well as non-proliferation arms control and disarmament objectives.
In our relations we have always concentrated and encouraged a greater separation of Pakistan's political and military establishments and a strengthened commitment to democratic principles. President Musharraf has committed to free and fair elections in 2007, I note, and we have worked with Pakistan on previous occasions to urge them to embrace more true democratic principles. And while we have not uniformly seen eye to eye on all matters, democracy in particular, the Pakistani government has never backed away from engaging us on these difficult issues. I would say that this is true of the meeting I had with the Prime Minister of Pakistan only a few weeks ago.
Nevertheless, the level of political and military engagement in Pakistan is arguably greater now than at any point in the past, and in March of this year, Prime Minister Harper and Defence Minister O'Connor visited Pakistan, and Minister O'Connor made a return visit this past September. On both occasions we raised the importance of security and development missions in Afghanistan with the Government of Pakistan and the premium we placed on Pakistan's cooperation. We also raised with their government our concerns regarding the activities of insurgents within the Pakistani territory. In fact, Pakistani Prime Minister Aziz and I discussed again these same issues this past month in Halifax. I also had similar discussions with President Musharraf when he was in attendance at the United Nations General Assembly in New York last month.
All of this, Mr. Chair, is to say that Canada, along with our allies, continues to encourage Pakistan to step up its efforts to prevent the cross-border movement of insurgents between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Specifically, we requested Pakistan's efforts to seek out and arrest senior Taliban figures inside their country; improve border security; sign, ratify, and implement key United Nations conventions and resolutions against terrorism; legislate and enforce more robust anti-money laundering laws and counter-narcotics training; and work to prevent the exploitation by insurgents of refugee camps inside Pakistan. We believe these constitute realistic objectives that Pakistan can do, but they can't do it alone. They can do it with our assistance, and we will positively contribute to the attainment of the international community's objectives there.
Mr. Chair, I believe you will find the record will show that the Minister of National Defence, who appeared before you, also spoke of a further confidence-building measure, and that includes the proposal—and I believe there has been some action on this file--to have liaison officers, with Pakistan having a liaison officer inside Afghanistan while we would have a similar officer serving in their country.
While we ask more from Pakistan, we ourselves are also willing to do more to provide assistance. Canada is working with Pakistan's security and law enforcement personnel to increase their capacity to deal with border management and related issues. We're working to enhance the liaison arrangements, as I mentioned, between Canadian Forces stationed in Pakistan and Pakistan's armed forces, consistent with our understanding that security is not only about military threats. We're looking at innovative ways where we can better harness our development assistance tools to help to improve the livelihoods on both sides of the border. In this way, we hope to give young people, who are most vulnerable to insurgents' propaganda, a reason to reject any calls to join that cause.
[Translation]
I would like to give you two examples of the additional types of activities in the works.
[English]
The capacity of Pakistan's security forces in the border regions is limited, particularly given the enormous security challenges they face in the rugged terrain. Military personnel are spread thin and often lack the proper equipment, particularly communications technology. This lack of capacity contributes to the degree of lawlessness throughout the border regions and undermines government efforts to address the cross-border movement of insurgents.
Through my department's global peace and security fund and counterterrorism capacity-building fund, we are looking to increase the capacity of Pakistani security forces. Projects currently being developed, Mr. Chair, include a Pakistani police capacity-building course that aims to have our RCMP trainers work with Pakistan to enhance the professional development of their security and law enforcement personnel along the border and elsewhere, and the provision of appropriate communications equipment, including satellite phone technical assistance, to the relevant Pakistani authorities to help secure the Pakistan-Afghan border and respond to the presence of security threats--that is, to detect and interdict smugglers and cross-border movement of insurgents.
I'd mention a few of the other examples, but this is just some of the work we are doing with Pakistan and our NATO allies to identify further opportunities and further engagement at the border.
Mr. Chair, in closing, I would like to reiterate my appreciation for the work this committee has undertaken. I commend you for recognizing the key role Pakistan plays in helping to achieve Canada's and our allies' objectives in Afghanistan. These issues are complex, and I think it goes without saying that there are no easy answers, but I'm confident that we can work with Pakistan and the international community to resolve the problems that exist. To paraphrase my friend, Minister O'Connor, we appreciate what Pakistan is doing, but we know they can do more.
I thank you for your time. I anticipate and appreciate your questions.
:
Thank you, Mr. Dosanjh, for the question.
I guess you share my frustration, having served as a defence minister during much of the time you've just described.
As far as being an apologist for Pakistan, that's not at all what I'm here to deliver. In fact, on every occasion, both privately and publicly at forums such as this, I think we have delivered our outright encouragement and have demanded that Pakistan improve its efforts; that they do more in the areas you have described and that that I described in my remarks; that they in fact step up efforts at the border; and that they should very much go after the insurgents, individuals and leaders, within the Taliban circles.
I'm not here as an apologist for anyone. I'm here to outline what the government has been doing. I would suggest that we have engaged regularly, often, and directly with leading Pakistan figures and will continue to do so.
I find it ironic that, coming from your party, you would criticize us for doing so and for engaging so directly when, at the same time, you're criticizing us for engaging other countries in the same way and demanding that we do so. One doesn't seem to be consistent with the other. We have to do this with all countries. When we have occasions to meet with leaders and give those tough messages, we'll continue to do so.
We knew many of the penetrating statements, the obvious, that you have told us about--the whereabouts of Taliban leaders. It's why we're calling on them to take more action, to improve border security, and to act more forthrightly at the United Nations, which was the message we brought with us when we met with President Musharraf in New York.
These solutions are not easy without the full participation of Pakistan. They're a sovereign country, just as we are. We can only bring these messages to them in a forceful but respectful way if we expect them to act.
I would suggest that implementing these measures around the border is the most direct way we can achieve the mutual objectives of stopping this flow.
This flow of the Pashtun, as you well know, has been going on not for hundreds of years but for thousands of years. This isn't something that can be stopped overnight.
Let's look at the length of the mission, which has been five years, in comparison to the length of time people have been crossing that border.
:
Thank you, Mr. Bachand, for your question. I am going to begin by answering your last question.
I wasn’t there for that exchange with Mr. Musharraf, but I read the report. This question was very emotional for him, since it affects his country deeply. I think that his thinking was rather emotional, since he said that Pakistan had lost over 800 soldiers in the conflict, particularly on the border.
[English]
Addressing that issue of the border itself, this Durand Line, or Durant Line, as it's sometimes called, is not a new problem for Pakistan and Afghanistan. This goes back, literally, for centuries. It's one that is aggravated by the terrain itself, as I understand it.
Although no one NATO country is tasked with dealing with the issue of the border, increasingly there's a great deal of focus on how we can assist Pakistan in their efforts to control the movement, particularly of insurgents.
I think Canada has a great deal of expertise we can offer. I specifically offered our assistance to the Prime Minister when I met with him in Halifax. He was speaking at that time about more aerial surveillance and more patrols.
They have a huge number of soldiers there now. But in proportion to the vast size of the task and the type of terrain, there is no easy solution, other than increased concentration; the use of communication; and further satellite phones, because they can't often get reception between various checkpoints. I would suggest that there can be other innovative ways that don't include land mines but might include blockades that would effectively prevent passage at some of the known areas where there is a flow of individuals. We're certainly working with other countries, other NATO allies, and the Pakistani government, to try to close off that flow of individuals into Afghanistan.
There is the political dynamic as well. As I said, Afghanistan doesn't really recognize where that border begins and ends.
On your question about the Pakistani secret service, this, again, is a thorny issue, which I've heard President Musharraf try to address. He has indicated that they are in fact former secret service.
[Translation]
Those are members of the former secret service, not the current one who took part in those activities.
[English]
He has also acknowledged that the insurgency may be assisted by some of those individuals. He has not acknowledged the identity of these people, which I think is where we perhaps need to press him more, or suggested how we stop them and in fact arrest them, if that's possible.
I have not personally heard, and perhaps Minister O'Connor is the more appropriate one to question, of any direct evidence that would link the existing secret service—or any government agency in Pakistan, for that matter—to the insurgency. Musharraf denies this. NATO and other countries have been watching this closely and pressing him on the subject matter, but to my knowledge, there has been no evidence of this thus far.
I can tell you that through our high commissioner in Islamabad and the embassy in Kabul, we are constantly monitoring and on the lookout for any such evidence that Pakistan is officially, in any government capacity, involved in insurgency.
:
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for your clear demonstration of interest in the air force's involvement in supporting Canadian Forces operations in Afghanistan and for inviting me here to speak with you today about our significant contribution in the campaign against terrorism and in helping to build a new democracy in the region.
[Translation]
Thank you for your clear demonstration of interest in the Air Force’s involvement in supporting Canadian Forces operations in Afghanistan, and for inviting me here to speak with you today about our significant contribution in the campaign against terrorism and in helping to build a new democracy in this region.
[English]
As I begin, I would like to first acknowledge the tremendous job that our army is doing in Afghanistan. While members of all elements of the Canadian Forces are contributing in Afghanistan, it is truly the army that is carrying the greatest part of the load in carrying out this operation.
Today I'd like to take this opportunity to focus on three elements of our support to the operation. First is the lifeline that the air force is providing to Canadians serving in Afghanistan. Second are the in-theatre tactical operations involving combat resupply and the operation of unmanned aerial vehicles for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance. Finally are other significant contributions that individual air force personnel are making in support of NATO, the Government of Afghanistan, and its integrated members of Joint Task Force Afghanistan.
[Translation]
At home, as you are aware, the Air Force has focused its efforts on Canada’s top defence priority: the no-fail mission of protecting Canada first.
[English]
Whether guarding our vast skies, patrolling the longest coastline in the world, providing immediate response to Canadians in distress through our search and rescue network, or working with other government departments, being prepared to respond to threats to Canadians is job number one for the Canadian Forces and the air force.
In addition, the air force continues to be engaged in many other operations around the world, including the current Canadian Forces operation in Afghanistan. There, we are working alongside the army in an effort to create a safe and secure environment for the growth of democracy in Afghanistan.
Let me begin with my first point: the lifeline the air force provides to Joint Task Force Afghanistan.
[Translation]
Canada’s Air Force has been engaged in the campaign against terrorism, continuously supporting Canadian Forces operations in Afghanistan and this region, since 2002.
[English]
Today, strategic airlift bridges the considerable distance between Canada and Southwest Asia, halfway around the world.
Together with our tactical inter-theatre airlift, between our staging area at Camp Mirage and Kandahar, the air force provides a lifeline to the members of the Canadian Forces operating in Afghanistan. This air bridge requires absolute dedication to ensure it operates effectively, because, as has been often stated by General Hillier, the very success of the mission in Afghanistan depends on it.
Over the past 12 months, over 550 chalks of strategic airlift, representing the movement of thousands of people and tonnes of materiel, have supported our joint task force in Afghanistan.
Our fleet of five CC-150 Polaris Airbus aircraft has been used largely for personnel transport and for smaller pallet-sized cargo. The majority, almost 75% of the strategic airlift, however, has been accomplished through contracted airlift, including C-17 chalks provided by the United States Air Force.
The materiel and personnel are first flown into Camp Mirage, the primary Canadian base of operations in the theatre. Camp Mirage is also used to administer personnel departing and returning from Afghanistan during periods of home leave travel assistance or rest and recreation.
Camp Mirage is commanded by a Canadian Air Force lieutenant-colonel and is operated almost exclusively by air force personnel. Thousands of air force personnel have quietly served in Camp Mirage since it was first established in 2002.
Currently, the newly formed 17 Mission Support Squadron from 17 Wing Winnipeg, Manitoba, is providing the bulk of the support personnel serving at Camp Mirage. The creation of mission support squadrons is part of the continuing transformation of the air force into a more effects-based expeditionary air force.
14 Mission Support Squadron from 14 Wing Greenwood, Nova Scotia, is currently training for their deployment into Camp Mirage in the near future.
Given the current air threat and risk assessments in theatre, the CC-130 Hercules remains the sole platform for moving personnel into Afghanistan from our staging base at Camp Mirage. The Hercules, about one-third to one-quarter the size of the strategic lift aircraft, is the workhorse of our air mobility fleet. Over the past 12 months, they have made over 500 flights into Afghanistan.
This brings me to my second point, the air force's in-theatre tactical operations.
Air and ground crew are conducting flying operations with the CC-130 Hercules throughout Afghanistan in direct support of Canadian Forces operations in that country. Whether transporting personnel from Kandahar to Kabul or parachuting up to 14,500 kilos of supplies per flight to deployed soldiers throughout the country, they are making a tremendous difference.
[Translation]
They have become a key enabler to commanders by providing supplies to soldiers throughout portions of Afghanistan that are not supported by a good road network, or in areas in which the Taliban are disrupting the road network.
[English]
In addition to supporting Canadian soldiers, they have been instrumental in delivering personnel and supplies for other nations, including the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the United States. They are being acknowledged by other nations for their accuracy and effectiveness, particularly when it comes to air-dropping supplies into dangerous and hostile environments.
The air force also has responsibility for generation and provision of unmanned aerial vehicle or UAV capability for Joint Task Force Afghanistan. Air force and army personnel work together in an integrated tactical UAV unit, providing invaluable intelligence surveillance and reconnaissance support to commanders in the field. That information is proving to be fundamental to achieving tactical success for the soldiers on the ground, providing them with greater situational awareness that contributes directly to reducing risk while they carry out the missions.
Lastly, I would like to bring to your attention other significant contributions being made by individual air force personnel in Afghanistan.
Men and women of the air force are also actively engaged in key positions within NATO's ISAF headquarters in Kabul. In fact, my former deputy, a Canadian Air Force general, Major-General Angus Watt, is the deputy commander of ISAF and takes over responsibility for running ISAF's missions during the commander's absences from theatre.
Other Canadian Air Force personnel, including members of my headquarters, have been instrumental in Kabul by helping the Afghan government as members of the Canadian Strategic Advisory Team.
This team was established under the direction of General Hillier, at the request of Afghan President Karzai, to bring to the Government of Afghanistan two main areas of expertise: strategic planning and capacity building. The 17-member team works directly within the central Government of Afghanistan and is currently headed by an air force officer, Colonel Don Dixon.
[Translation]
In addition, airfield engineers and other skilled Air Force personnel are integrated into a variety of units, filling critical roles in the Canadian areas of operations in and around Kandahar.
[English]
My role in this as Commander of Air Command and Chief of the Air Staff is to generate combat-ready air forces for deployment and employment. This involves the training of personnel and ensuring they have the right equipment to do the jobs asked of them. This is why we are working so hard at acquiring a fleet of four C-17s for strategic airlift and replacing the tactical air fleet of aging Hercules with more modern aircraft.
In addition to providing combat-ready forces for current operations, we're always conducting and reviewing contingency plans in order that the air force remains prepared to further contribute, if and when the need arises.
In conclusion, I'd like to reinforce that without the air bridge, the lifeline from our bases in Canada to Camp Mirage and onward into Kandahar and Kabul, the mission could not succeed. The invaluable missions being performed by the men and women at the air force in theatre are integral to the conduct of Canadian Forces operations in Afghanistan. I can assure you that you can be very proud of what they're doing on behalf of this country and all Canadians under dangerous and difficult conditions. I will be reinforcing that message when I visit our troops in a couple of weeks.
Mr. Chairman, messieurs, mesdames, membres du comité, I would be happy to answer any questions you may have following remarks by my colleague, the Chief of Maritime Staff, Vice-Admiral Drew Robertson.
:
Mr. Chairman, committee members, thanks for providing the two of us with the opportunity to speak to you today.
I intend to focus my comments in three areas.
[Translation]
First I will talk about what our Navy is doing to support the Canadian Forces’ operations in Afghanistan; second about what your Navy is doing to meet Canada’s obligations regarding maritime defence and security; and third about the state of readiness of Canada’s maritime forces.
[English]
Let me begin with Afghanistan. Our men and women in Afghanistan certainly fill me with pride and humility on a daily basis. I have pride in their skills regardless of their occupation, certainly pride in the effectiveness of our army in a highly complex and continually evolving situation with a tenacious adversary, and humility in the face of selfless acts of courage, and also in their determination to see the mission through.
[Translation]
Mr. Chair, our experience in Afghanistan shows how complex modern operations have become and have forced us to adopt new ways of thinking so that we can get the most out of our Canadian Forces’ capabilities.
[English]
I can assure you that your navy has responded where it could, and it will continue to do so. Thus, we've seen naval officers, both regular and reserve, contribute to the strategic advisory team that General Lucas just spoke of. We seconded staff to the U.S.-led Combined Forces Command-Afghanistan to assist in the transition between American forces and NATO forces that occurred earlier this year. We've deployed a wide variety of personnel--military policemen, doctors, cargo movement specialists, drivers, supply techs, and so on--into the country, and we've sent others to Wainwright to contribute to the training that's ongoing there. We've dispatched our specially skilled naval clearance divers to the critical and highly dangerous function of defeating improvised explosive devices in theatre because they have, as I said, special skills.
Mr. Chairman, our people in Afghanistan deserve that we consider novel technical means of providing for their protection. Accordingly, for some time, naval technical and operational experts have been assisting the Chief of the Land Staff to determine the feasibility of deploying what's called the Phalanx close-in weapons system, or CIWS, you would have heard about. It's a devastatingly accurate Gatling gun, and it's our destroyers' and our frigates' essential last defence against anti-ship missiles, which the CIWS destroys in the very last seconds before impact. The question is whether we can turn a few of them to the purpose of defending selected installations in theatre from inbound mortar or rocket fire. While it remains to be determined whether or not CIWS can be usefully employed in such a role, it signals the naval and land staffs' collective resolve to meet such challenges in Afghanistan together.
Of course, Mr. Chairman, the campaign against terrorism is also waged more broadly, and our navy is playing a role in those efforts, as it has since October 2001 when Canada dispatched a naval task group and maritime aircraft to the Arabian Sea, where we defended the U.S. Navy and U.S. Marine Corps force that seized Kandahar from the Taliban.
[Translation]
Beyond the campaign against terrorism, the country is dealing with other problems of defence and security, but I know that your committee is quite aware of this, especially in the context of recent events, such as those in Lebanon and Iran, not to mention the Korean Peninsula.
As sailors, we understand that the free use of the seas, on which our economic prosperity depends, is also honorable. Many would like to take advantage of it to cause us great harm.
[English]
Accordingly, our first priority is to defend the nation. That's why, as part of the CF's ongoing transformation, the navy has led in standing up a Joint Task Force Atlantic and Pacific to support Canada Command, and they're making sure that the right maritime forces can be positioned in the right place at the right time to uphold our sovereignty.
Mr. Chairman, our domestic security begins off other countries' shores. As but one example, let me cite the work of HMCS Fredericton, deployed for nearly two months, back in the spring, as far as the west coast of Africa. She was deployed in a covert counter-drug operation to break up a drug ring that operates in the east end of Montreal. The successful conclusion of the operation led to the interception of 23 tonnes of cargo worth close to $0.25 billion. This, as I said, occurred in the Gulf of Guinea, a long way from our waters.
This wouldn't have been attempted by the RCMP without the assurance provided by Fredericton's ability to operate unseen, as well as her ability to apply overwhelming force at a moment's notice, had that been needed by the RCMP to back up them up. Although these actions occurred at a great distance from our shores, the actions that were taken contributed to the security of Canadians directly, while also interdicting a drug-smuggling chain that likely began in the poppy fields of Afghanistan.
Mr. Chairman, the fact that domestic international maritime security can be provided at great distance from Canada is also why HMCS Ottawa is deployed to the Arabian Sea as part of a coalition force. Ottawa is the 20th ship to be deployed to the region since 9/11, initially under Operation Apollo; we've now changed the name to Operation Altair. She's there to underscore Canada's enduring interests in the region; to interdict those who would use the seas for unlawful purposes, including terrorists; to further Canada's objectives in preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; to reassure regional friends and security partners; to deter those who would act against our interests; and to prepare for eventual follow-on operations, should deterrence fail.
The importance of maritime security operations in distant waters is why HMCS Iroquois is serving in the Mediterranean tonight as flagship of NATO's premier rapid response maritime group, currently engaged in counterterrorism and counter-proliferation operations under the alliance's Operation Active Endeavour. For the last nine months that group has been commanded by a Canadian, Commodore Denis Rouleau, a testament to the fact that Canada is recognized by navies large and small for its capacity to exercise international leadership at sea.
That's also why our west coast task group has just completed working with an American battle group as the latter prepares for major operational deployment in the coming months. That's why, off North Carolina over the weekend, the CF completed a tactical trial to examine a concept of operations for a possible future Canadian sea-based expeditionary capability. It's why that experiment also involved a Canadian and an American naval task group under Canadian leadership, whose ships worked to keep to keep the force safe from the types of threats Canada expects to encounter in the future's contestable littoral waters around the world, an environment which the recent successful missile attack by Hezbollah against the Israeli frigate back in July served to illustrate with dramatic and deadly effect.
In total last week, we had over 2,600 sailors at sea in the Pacific, the Atlantic, the Mediterranean, and the Arabian Sea. I think that's a measure of our ability to make an ongoing contribution to international maritime security and provide credible options for potential contingencies worldwide, including as an integral part of joint CF operations in the littoral, if needed.
Let me turn very briefly to readiness. That we've accomplished so much over the last few years is a tribute to our successors in husbanding and marshalling resources through a tiered readiness approach; however, I think we're probably reaching the limit of what's achievable. Some of that work may be undone if we cannot address readiness challenges that face all of us today, and, in the case of the navy, they will be aggravated during fleet modernization and renewal.
The government's support for the joint support ship program marks a significant and highly important turning point towards a recapitalized fleet for Canada. That project is expected to enter a new phase shortly; two teams will complete funded proposals to design and build the ships, and this, I have to say, is great news for the navy. The challenge that I and my successors want to face will be to improve the readiness of the balance of the fleet so as to maximize return on investment, as represented by our ships and our skilled crews.
[Translation]
In the face of the challenge of keeping the Canadian Forces versatile and fit for combat, we appreciate the support of this committee and of all parliamentarians.
[English]
In closing, Mr. Chairman, permit me to reassure the committee that your navy has been making a contribution in Afghanistan and stands ready to provide additional support within its means while continuing to provide for the maritime security of our nation, both at home and working with our allies abroad.
Let me thank you again for the opportunity to appear before the committee. Both of us would be pleased to take your questions.