:
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Just to clarify things, Mr. MacLeod is vice-president of Secunda Marine Services and their legal counsel. I didn't think it was necessary for me to provide my own lawyer to appear before this committee.
Thank you very much for coming to Nova Scotia and providing us with this opportunity to address you today.
Very quickly, OTANS is a trade association that represents about 400 member companies in the Maritimes and Newfoundland and Labrador. These companies are involved in the supply of goods and services related to energy--primarily offshore oil and gas--although some do work in the renewable area as well. Approximately 30% of our companies do exporting, and they've successfully competed and won business in such areas as the United States, Europe, and to a lesser degree South America and the Middle East.
As I mentioned, with me today is Mr. MacLeod of Secunda Marine. Secunda is a member of our association and is based in Dartmouth. It has a fleet of offshore supply vessels and associated marine assets, which employ between 300 and 400 Canadians here in Halifax and Dartmouth and operate around the world.
I propose to make a quick introductory statement and then open the floor to your questions and comments for both of us.
Your task is to examine Canadian competitiveness. Our role today is to discuss measures that may seriously impact on our ability to do so, not on a global basis but here in our own front yard. Canada is a trading nation, and we welcome opportunities to open new markets for our member companies and our employees. However, we wish to advise the committee of the dangers to a fledgling industry, namely the offshore oil and gas industry, and the resulting economic benefits to our region and country posed by current attempts to reach a free trade agreement with EFTA, which is the European Free Trade Association.
We'll wrap up our comments with a few words on the Canadian shipbuilding policy.
The European Free Trade Association is made up of four European countries: Norway, Iceland, Switzerland, and Liechtenstein. Canada, if successful, would have a so-called free trade agreement with these four small European countries. From a philosophical standpoint, we're not opposed to free trade. EFTA, however, doesn't constitute an initiative that would liberalize trade or benefit the Canadian economy as far as we can see. This very narrow initiative would in fact cause great harm to certain sectors of the economy, not just the offshore oil and gas industry here in Atlantic Canada but also, in particular, the offshore vessel operators and the shipbuilding industry.
It has been suggested that Canada is falling behind the United States in the signing of bilateral trade agreements with other partners around the world, and that we will lose ground if we don't keep up with our neighbour. We can assure you that any agreement that the United States would ever sign would have a carve-out of the Jones Act that preserves U.S. coasting trade for U.S.-built ships.
Four years ago we, as well as many other parties including several provincial governments, came to the conclusion that an EFTA free trade deal just didn't provide enough benefit to Canada. We were advised that carve-outs for shipbuilding and the 25% tariff on vessel importations would not be palatable to the Norwegians. Without such a carve-out as that provided for U.S operators under NAFTA, an agreement with EFTA would not be acceptable to Canadian vessel operators and shipbuilders.
We'd like to make a couple of points on EFTA, but they are also applicable to some degree to the Singapore and Korea discussions. First of all, what is the benefit of this for the country? FTAs must be mutually beneficial, and they must lead to economic benefits for both parties. When officials in the Government of Canada have been asked for the statistical analysis and data that show some type of a cost-benefit analysis for such an agreement, they've been unable to produce any such information for us. We believe it's because they haven't carried out such studies. Officials also suggest that an agreement with EFTA countries would somehow allow us to gain access to the European Union, but no explanation is forthcoming as to how that would be arrived at. We see no benefit to Canada out of these negotiations as they're constituted. We fail to see how any agreement with this European rump would allow Canadian entry into the European Union.
On the rules of origin, under the proposed rules of origin--I know this is complicated for those of you not in the shipping industry--there would only have to be between 35% and 50% Norwegian content in any vessel exported from Norway to Canada. That would allow the Norwegians to build the hulls of the vessels offshore in low-labour countries such as Romania and then bring them to Norway to be outfitted. Therefore about 50% to 65% of a so-called Norwegian ship could be built outside of that country but would be treated as a Norwegian vessel and allowed to enter Canada without paying duty.
A Canadian owner, on the other hand, would not be able to import a similar hull from a low-cost country and outfit the ship in this country without the attraction of a 25% duty on that hull when it entered service.
Clearly the Norwegians knew what they wanted when they came to the negotiating table, and the Canadian negotiators did not have an appreciation of what they had agreed to with the Norwegians.
For national policy objectives, all free trade arrangements provide for or allow specific exclusions for sensitive industries. Under NAFTA the United States specifically carved out the shipping industry and shipbuilding under the Jones Act, which precludes Canadian vessels or Canadian-built ships from participating in the coastal trade of the United States. The U.S. felt it appropriate to protect these sectors. Under the circumstances through which Norway has developed its offshore oil and gas sector with very strong protectionist policies, we believe Canada would be wise to do the same with EFTA.
When it comes to the offshore on the eastern coast of Canada, and eventually the north and British Columbia, it is an important element that EFTA be considered and that it be stopped. The development of this industry in Atlantic Canada is perhaps the single most important economic impetus to hit this region in the postwar period. Given that the offshore oil and gas industry in Newfoundland and Nova Scotia is at its beginnings, and it is a stated policy of the federal government, both this one and previous governments, to ensure that Newfoundland and Nova Scotia are the primary beneficiaries of offshore oil and gas development under the accords, it is entirely appropriate that this sector should be maintained for Canadian companies.
If Norwegian vessel operators are allowed into this market at this stage, they will bring their various support companies, their service industries, and other elements of the offshore oil and gas industry with them. Atlantic Canadians and all Canadians will be out of luck, and we fear they'll be out of business.
Norway has a very successful offshore, one that we're very envious of. For the last 30 years they've grown into one of the world's largest oil exporters. Foreign competitors have not been able to penetrate the Norwegian market due to non-tariff barriers, including government-regulated tendering processes that essentially preserve the Norwegian offshore for Norwegian companies. In addition, Norwegian vessels have been built under subsidy. As well, Norwegian vessel operators have had very favourable tax regimes and corporate structures that enable them to grow and develop, having had the advantage of a strong protectionist policy and strong government support.
Today they now seek free trade with this country. Obviously the playing field is not level under those circumstances. That country has approximately 400 offshore supply boats. In its fleet they've built more than 200 since 1997. Should the Canadian marketplace become accessible without the requirement to pay a 25% duty on vessels, Norwegian companies could dump their vessels at very low prices. Canadian operators, who have been forced to operate under the existing regime, where they have to pay either expensive Canadian and U.S. vessels or pay the 25% duty on foreign-built vessels, just wouldn't be able to compete. Essentially we'd be sitting on the shore while the Norwegians helped exploit Canadian resources.
On tariff policies, EFTA, should it proceed, would be in direct contradiction of the established federal shipbuilding policy. The Government of Canada views the development of Canada's east coast offshore oil and gas sector as a key development in the growth of that shipbuilding industry. On the one hand, the shipbuilding policy is premised on the fact that there will be an expanding and growing Canadian offshore industry from which Canadians will benefit. On the other hand, through EFTA a very strong foreign competitor would be able to unfairly enter the Canadian market before our industry had a real opportunity to establish itself and set down roots.
We have yet to get an answer from government, particularly from its officials, to several pertinent questions. We are asking you to go back to Ottawa, ask these questions, and please share the answers with us.
First, where is the analysis of the benefits of such an agreement in the type of detail that one would deem necessary when committing a country to such an arrangement? It is not that we merely don't like the answer. The fact is that officials are unwilling or unable to provide us with such an answer and a requisite analysis.
When asked directly what sectors of the Canadian economy could possibly benefit from an EFTA agreement, there is no substantive answer forthcoming. We've asked for five years on this and we still don't have an answer. It is presented merely as a leap of faith. Surely a country does not enter into such a set of negotiations without articulated, accepted objectives and an ability to inform Canadians on the specific benefits and potential downfalls.
As I mentioned before, we believe any trade negotiations with EFTA would be at variance with the federal policy of ensuring that Newfoundland and Nova Scotia are the key beneficiaries from offshore oil and gas development, as stipulated in the federal and provincial legislation known as the accords. Not only would shipyards and vessel owners be severely hurt by this initiative, but all of the emerging offshore service and support companies that supply shipyards and vessel owners in Canada would be hurt as well.
Not only will shipyards and vessel owners be severely hurt by this initiative, but all of the emerging offshore service and support companies that supply shipyards and vessel owners in Canada would also be hurt. It is mainly those people whom I represent today. We represent shipbuilding and shipowners in Atlantic Canada, but we also represent a large supply chain that we think is at risk.
To be blunt, we believed that we had turned the page on this chapter several years ago when this was put on the back burner, but apparently this is not the case. We urge the committee to ask the questions that we have and insist that the government put forward an open articulate case before embarking on their chosen path.
Thank you very much.
The topic under discussion is manufacturing and competitiveness in Canada. It's maybe a bit odd for a service company such as Secunda Marine, which owns and operates vessels, to be here talking about manufacturing, but we use ships that are built, and they're manufactured, and therefore the policies that are implemented with respect to vessels have an impact on our business. Actually the regime that has been in place has dictated and created a set of circumstances such that our company has actually had to become a manufacturer of ships in order to be competitive.
To give you a little bit of background on our company, we own and operate a fleet of 16 vessels that work worldwide. We're based in Dartmouth, Nova Scotia. We're a one hundred percent Nova Scotia Canadian-owned company based here in Halifax and Dartmouth. We work in the domestic market as well as in the international market. In terms of competitiveness with the Norwegians, we work in the Gulf of Mexico, we work in the North Sea, we work in west Africa, and we work here. We know about competition, and we know how well suited and well positioned the Norwegians are as far as our sector is concerned.
In Canada we have one policy with respect to shipping and shipbuilding, and that's a high-tariff policy. I will try to explain how in Norway they have a whole range of policies and initiatives in place that support their very vibrant and strong shipping and offshore sector. In what's being proposed in the EFTA situation--this negotiation with the powerhouses of Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Iceland, and Norway--our main concern is with Norway. The fact of the matter is that if you were to choose the strongest competitor in our sector, and open the door to them, and let them come in and walk over us, that competitor would be Norway. So it just isn't logical.
I have a whole list of questions here, which I've been posing to everybody in the government for about three months. Madam Denise Verreault, who runs Verreault Navigation in Quebec, summed it up in one sentence: What's in it for Canada? What's in it for us? Nobody can answer that question. They say we're falling behind the United States in the number of free trade agreements we've negotiated, or that we need to get access to the European market. In response to that I ask, how do you get access to the European market with a rump that is not part of the EEC? The reason they're not part of the EEC, particularly in the case of Norway, is that they want to perpetuate their protectionist policies and do not want to comply with the open trade policies that are in place with the EEC.
I get a sense that somebody in the bowels of the Lester B. Pearson Building has decided free trade agreements is what they do. This is what is exciting for a new minister, so let's float this trial balloon and see where it goes. So something that we thought had a stake in the heart four years ago is rising from the dead like Lazarus. We're faced once again with having to mobilize people to explain things to a new group of trade negotiators who really don't know anything about our industry. The new lead trade negotiator just got his job about three weeks ago, and he's off to Norway to negotiate our industry away.
In any event, let me just address a few of the issues that Paul has touched upon.
In terms of the size of our company and the offshore, the offshore is extremely important for Nova Scotia. Our company has been a success in terms of exporting homegrown technology and expertise worldwide. We have an asset value of over $300 million. We had revenues last year of $95 million. We employ upwards of 450 employees based here in Halifax, and also in all of the small communities in rural Atlantic Canada. It's not just Halifax that's benefiting; it's all of the places like Sheet Harbour and Mabou, and Shelburne, and little towns in Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick and so on. The economic benefit from this industry is not localized in one area, but spreads throughout the region, so the impact is tremendous.
In the past fifteen years we have spent over $160 million in terms of major retrofits and conversions on ships. We retrofit and convert vessels because of the high tariff policy. We bring in a vessel at a low value, pay low duty on a low value, and then do upgrades--sweat equity--to improve the value of a ship here in Canada so that we don't have to pay the high duty.
A picture is worth a thousand words, and since it's in neither French nor English, I think it would be acceptable to everybody for me to pass around a couple of pictures to demonstrate what we do. This has a direct bearing on the question of rules of origin.
The top picture is of a Russian hull that we purchased and brought back to Canada. We had two of these vessels. At the dock on the Dartmouth side of the harbour, in a span of nine months, we converted the two vessels into the vessel that's shown below. The ship has been working at Petro-Canada on the Terra Nova project for six or seven years now.
That's an example of how our company has worked within the existing framework of the high duty to bring value to Canada and do the work here, because we have to live with the fact that we pay 25% on the importation of a vessel that's built outside of Canada. If we were to build a vessel in Norway or in Singapore or wherever, we'd bring it in, pay 25% duty on it, and off we'd go. Of course it's difficult to finance that; it adds costs to the project and so on.
So we've built our company around the existing policy. What's odd is that under the rules of origin that will be implemented in the EFTA agreement, which Paul alluded to, a Norwegian shipyard could import a hull from, say, Romania, outfit it in Norway with Norwegian kit, using Norwegian employees, and it could have maybe.... They haven't decided what the threshold is going to be, but we've heard a couple of numbers. They could have between 35% and 65% non-Norwegian content in that vessel, yet to bring it into Canada, under EFTA, it would be treated as a Norwegian ship, and therefore brought in duty-free.
Again, that's 35% to 60% non-Norwegian content in a Norwegian ship, imported to Canada on the same status as a Canadian-built ship. If we were to build a ship like this, where we bring in a hull and put, say, 95% Canadian content value added to it, we would still have to pay the duty on the hull we bring in. It's ridiculous.
I guess that's an example of the fact that our negotiators and our people who are looking at industry policy don't really understand the policy, and are out negotiating and making decisions with respect to our industry without really appreciating the consequences.
I go back to Madam Verreault's question: What's in it for us? Nobody can tell us. If you had winners and losers, you could understand. You could understand that one sector benefits, another sector loses. But no sector seems to win as a result of this EFTA agreement. Why are we doing it? I get a sense that there's a momentum to do free trade agreements regardless of the consequences. But if you're in business or if you're a country, whatever you are and whatever you do, just to do something for the sake of doing it is not a good reason. And I get the sense that's what's happening right now.
Mr. Irving's organization and our company met with the Minister of Industry a couple of weeks ago to discuss what's going to transpire in terms of the future policy of shipyards and the marine industrial sector. At that time we put forward a number of proposals. Before I address those very briefly, let me give you a sense of Norway.
Norway has built vessels for the past fifteen, twenty, thirty years on subsidies. They have a protective procurement policy. They have a regulatory process that protects the sector for Norwegian operators. They have fiscal policies akin to limited partnerships that allow investment in vessel-owning companies, which attracts investors. Here in Canada, for capital-intensive business we don't have a similar regime. A whole host of policy initiatives need to be reviewed, considered, and studied before they eliminate the one policy for shipyards and ship operators, the high tariff.
The Norwegians will have all of those other policy initiatives in place to prop up and support their sector, whereas the one policy that is in place for Canada will be eliminated, and we will be at the mercy of a very strong, very vibrant international competitor.
:
Good morning, gentlemen.
It's a pleasure to be here with you this morning to participate in trying to put our point of view across to you on this most important subject.
My name is Jim Irving, and I'm president of J.D. Irving Limited. If you don't know too much about J.D. Irving Limited, we're a New Brunswick-based company. We've been in business since 1882, and we're a fully integrated company in forest products, consumer packaged goods, shipbuilding, retail distribution, transportation, and food processing. We have over 15,000 employees in Canada and the United States. Our major markets are in the United States and Canada, and our head offices are in Saint John and Moncton.
I had a presentation to hand out to you, but I understand we're non-compliant, so we'll do the best we can with it. Hopefully, we'll get it handed out to you during the course of the morning after it gets translated for proper presentation. You'll have to bear with me a little bit.
There are three key things that we'd like to talk to you about this morning: encouraging capital investment and new technology; trade agreements regarding shipbuilding and the marine sector; and encouraging productivity improvement and employee skill-building.
I'm going to hold up a chart, if you don't mind. The first one is going to be in the context of the forest products business. We're in the forest products business. The forest products business is a major industry in Canada. New Brunswick is a province in which forestry is of major importance. My first three or four slides are background that could be used in any business--the automotive sector in Ontario, the mining business, or any other manufacturing and exporting part of this country.
The first chart shows the importance of the forest products sector to New Brunswick. It shows all the provinces in Canada, and it shows the importance of forestry to the provincial economy in New Brunswick, of which it makes up about 9%. We're the part of Canada's forest products sector that is the most dependent on manufacturing.
I'm going to go right to slide three, which shows how dependent New Brunswick as a province is on manufacturing. Of all the Canadian provinces, New Brunswick is the third most dependent on manufacturing. I'm going to illustrate with a fourth slide, which talks about the global capital. Maybe just before I show you that, I'll give you a little more background.
Because of our capital intensity in the forest products business, this fourth slide shows capital additions and capital expenditures on a global basis and how Canada ranks in that field. These numbers are in billions of dollars. They show Asia at $13 billion between 2000 and 2007. This is in capital investments, in this particular case in the forest products, pulp and paper sector: in Asia, $13 billion in this timeframe; South America, $7 billion; Europe, over $12 billion; the U.S., $3.3 billion; and Canada, slightly over $1 billion. Again, that speaks to the capital expenditures on a global basis in the forest products business, a business in which Canada historically has had a major global position.
As well, this particular slide is a little more detailed. It shows the rate of capital expenditures in North America in the pulp and paper sector. This one will show this as a percentage of depreciation. Historically in a business, as most of you know, you should spend about 100% of your depreciation to be in the game, to keep up to date. This chart shows us, starting in 1975, up here at over 200%, and where we are today, at 2001, with less than 50%. In 1975 the industry was spending at the rate of about 225%. Today, in 2001, the industry is down here, at slightly over 50%.
So the North American industry--Canada and the U.S.--is not spending its depreciation. Actually it's spending less than half, so we are in a serious state of decline from the point of view of capital investment in this capital-intensive industry.
So what do we do about it? That's the fundamental question, and that is the backdrop for a key part of our presentation this morning. Our recommendation--and this is not a new recommendation, we've made this repeatedly, but we have not been successful in its implementation--is to increase the capital cost allowance, or the CCA. This is an amount for manufacturing and processing equipment. We recommend an increase in the CCA--or capital cost allowance--from what is presently a 30% declining balance to one of perhaps 50% on a straight-line basis.
This really all goes to the tax rate that we're going to pay. If you have a business today, you're writing off your equipment in your plant. You're taking that depreciation against your current year's tax bill. What we're advocating--and we've had it in this country in the past--is that you could go, and you could make a capital expenditure, and you could accelerate the depreciation, take more depreciation in that year. Yes, your payments to Ottawa are less in that year. Your tax bill is less, but you've made an investment in new technology. The federal government then, or the provincial government, depending on how the thing is structured, will receive its tax revenue at a later date--perhaps it's deferred for two or three or four years, but it will definitely come. The result is that rather than have businesses not being invested in and subsequently going out of business and bringing all the social and economic problems that go with that, we'll have businesses that will have up-to-date technology and a strong base, particularly for people in the manufacturing business in this country.
If you're manufacturing and if you're exporting, you're subject to the strong Canadian dollar or the fluctuations of the dollar and high energy costs. It takes a lot of energy to manufacture your product or to get it to market, and you're subject to a lot of fierce global competition, which everybody is. These are fundamental problems that are affecting the manufacturing business, and I'm sure you've heard it across the country in your tour. You'll hear it from a lot of people. They'll be in different industries, perhaps, but they'll have the same problem.
We think this is a fundamental elementary basis that we have to put into the manufacturing segment in Canada. We have to be more aggressive. We can't just design the tax laws to capture all the tax and have businesses that don't reinvest. We have great surpluses in Ottawa. Clearly that's been well run, but if we're going to be progressive and bold--which we surely need to be in the manufacturing business in this country--we need to have a tax structure that represents that.
If, for example, you take the CCA on buildings that are used to house manufacturing plants, today at a 4% depreciation rate it takes 57 years to depreciate 90% of the asset. If we had a 30% declining balance, nine years would depreciate about 95% of the asset. We're living in the past to think we can write off buildings at such a slow rate. Nothing today is staying at that speed. I think as a country there are enormous opportunities for us, if we can get our mind around it.
At the present time, under the available-for-use rules, if you have a fish plant or you have an automobile factory in Ontario or you have a pulp mill in B.C. or a ship, and you go out and make a major capital investment, you're only allowed to start to depreciate that investment once the investment is up and running, say in 12, 18, or 24 months. You've spent your money, and you've incurred all the costs, but you have no depreciation to set off against your tax bill. What we had at one time was ready-for-use.
If you committed New Year's Eve to spend.... Pick a number. Mr. MacLeod over here wants to buy a new ship New Year's Eve. We'll give him a good deal on one--say $50 million. He could take his depreciation that year on that ship against his taxable income. He's made the commitment.
Provided you've made the commitment, signed the purchase order, and entered into a contract, you can start to depreciate the asset. Even though you haven't got the asset, you can start to depreciate it--today, 18 months or 24 months.
This is a form of financing. It's a smart form of financing. It's well done around other parts of the world. It's a method that is not countervailable, not seen as a subsidy. It's well in practice in other parts of the world.
I think we're missing a big opportunity here: (a) we should change our rate of depreciation, be very aggressive; and (b), we should make sure, if the laws are changed, if you are successful, that you can take advantage of that depreciation when you make the commitment, not when you can use the asset. That would be a subtle but enormous change to the success of the investment.
Again, relating to depreciation, we have the half-year rule. With regard to the asset you buy, you can depreciate it for six months only in the year you make the acquisition. Forget about it; let's make it that whenever you buy it during that year, you can accelerate it and maximize the depreciation very aggressively. You might not do this in all sectors, but clearly the manufacturing sector, clearly the sector that's exporting, and clearly the sector that's capital-intensive should receive very favourable rulings in this regard.
That's our presentation so far. I hope I'm not taking up too much time. I have a couple of other points I'd like to raise on the acceleration side.
With regard to power regeneration in this country, again, we think we should get very aggressive about people who want to reinvest in biomass, people in the pulp and paper sectors or other sectors where they have wood waste. When they can make modifications to the plant to use biomass or wind energy, they should get very favourable treatment.
Everybody wants it to be environmental, to be green, but wind energy is very expensive. Let's get bold and aggressive and have a tax regime where we can write off our investment in the first year, perhaps even 150%, so that we can attract investment in these highly capital-intensive investments and do something. Otherwise nothing happens; the power is too expensive, and it's not practical for industry.
I have a brief point on carbon sequestration. Canada is blessed with 120 million hectares of forest land. We can sequester 100 million tonnes a year of carbon dioxide. We need the government to do three things. First, let's regulate carbon dioxide emissions. Let's find out what the numbers are going to be and be clear about it so that we can make our plans. Let's also permit trading of carbon credits. We need to have a market there. Or let's create an offset system where they can be traded; we think that's essential there.
I'm not going to talk about the trade agreements regarding EFTA. Don and Paul have covered that off quite well, so I'm not going to get into it.
My next point is on skill building and productivity improvement for our employees, for Canadians, for the workforce. I recommend that the Government of Canada introduce a non-taxable category based on employee incentive. An employee could receive up to perhaps $2,500 a year--providing he didn't make any more than, say, $50,000 a year--on a tax-free basis. We have to get everybody in this country thinking more about productivity, and money motivates people. It's not everything, but clearly we have to find a way to create more enthusiasm. So I'd like to put that thought out there.
For example, at the present time, let's say we give an employee a $50 jacket for achieving a production record or a safety record. We have two $700-a-year categories. If we give somebody a $50 credit, that impinges on that $700 tax-free category. Forget about that; let's have a category where you have a pool of perhaps $700 or $1,000 that can be used also for recognition, employee recognition, for health, safety, productivity.
We have to be more visual. We have to be proud of our accomplishments. We have to celebrate those wins. Everybody has to know about them. If somebody wins a safety award or a production award, it shouldn't be a tax burden. They shouldn't get a T4 for it. It shouldn't be a taxable benefit, as far as I'm concerned. We have to be more aggressive.
With regard to health and wellness, we think there should be a proactive approach. It needs to be realized that the employer and the employee get recognized in a different fashion. The government should encourage greater employer participation in certified fitness programs, smoking cessation, or approved weight loss programs by making the employer, where they reimburse these programs, tax-exempt. As an employer, if we're going to say that we run these programs....
In our organization, our employees can come through once a year, on a voluntary basis, with their spouse to see a doctor. They can get their blood, their cholesterol, and all their vital signs checked once a year. Up to 70% of our employees are blue-collar workers, and oftentimes they don't get to see a doctor until it's too late. We say, no, let's....
You want me off, Mr. Chair.
:
We would advocate that for now you maintain the status quo until you get an answer on either the benefits or detriments to the country. It was stated that this has never been brought forward to the cabinet table. There are, as you know, literally hundreds of proposals always making their way through the federal bureaucracy. This has been raised with cabinet ministers of previous governments, and with the current government. Right now what we'd like to do is....
You know, I'm sure you meet all kinds of groups who say “Change everything--except for our little neck of the woods.” And we're not being facetious or even flippant when we say this, but our real problem is that we have never been able to get, through official or unofficial channels, any kind of analysis on the benefits of this agreement to the country at large. We could understand it if somebody told us, look, there are some very large opportunities for the aviation industry, or the pharmaceutical industry, or the pulp and paper industry, or whatever. But we have not been able to get that analysis.
There are three Canadian products that senior officials have told us could have an advantage under this agreement: horsemeat, radishes, and french fries. I'm not making this up. This is on the record, in the notes from meetings with department officials at international trade and foreign affairs.
Our difficulty is that we've never been able to get any kind of articulation on this. It's not just the industry that's having this problem. I know it's the same for the governments of Newfoundland and Nova Scotia, and I believe the Government of Quebec has been interested in this as well.
Our real concern, where I work, is the supply boat business. You have to understand that the offshore oil and gas industry is transnational. We need multinational organizations and companies with resources to put that kind of dollar up front to explore and develop. We understand that. There are international companies working here. We've been able to compete with many of them. But what you're looking at now is that we have an economic benefit from this industry that is just starting to grow. The supply boats really are part of that chain. They need electronics, they need hydraulics, they need fuel, they need food for their people, and they need skilled workers. A lot of those requirements come from my companies in both Newfoundland and Nova Scotia, but primarily Nova Scotia. We're genuinely concerned about the “creature of habit” factor--namely, you go to those who you know. We have a very strong suspicion that Norway will do that.
The second thing is that their ships are paid for. They have been built under a very protectionist policy. You cannot penetrate the Norwegian market. I don't see anything from the foreign affairs, international trade, or industry departments that articulates any kind of plan to break that wall.
Although I can't speak on behalf of Atlantic Towing or Secunda Marine, I do know that Secunda has competed pretty well everywhere in the world, except they can't get into Norway. The foreign affairs department doesn't tell us how we're going to get into Norway, but they're very clear about how the Norwegians are going to get into Canada. That's our problem.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair, and thank you very much to all the witnesses for coming.
I've got to tell you, as a horsemeat, radish, and french fry-loving guy, I think we should look into this free trade agreement a little bit more.
As my colleague said, this is really the first time I've heard about this particular free trade agreement. I thank you very much for coming here and bringing it to our attention.
Do you have any ideas? Coming from Oshawa, I'm very much aware of the Korean free trade agreement, and what the auto sector is saying about that. I also want you to know that I've spoken to the ministers involved, and if it's not a fair trade agreement, they certainly don't want to make a bad agreement for Canada.
I have one question about that. Do you have any ideas that you can submit about a free trade agreement that would make it a fairer trade agreement, for example, in the dispute mechanisms and these non-tariff barriers you mentioned? That's one question I had for you.
The second question was that the new government has announced a defence procurement of $13 billion. I was wondering what that does for you, and if you have any ideas for the strategy as that unfolds.
The third thing I wanted to talk about is that I hear what you're saying about getting very aggressive about the CCA, and I agree with you very much. When we have these surpluses, we see it as an overtaxation, and we'd like to see the money stay with the companies and the people who create jobs.
You mentioned the skill-building idea that you had for non-taxable categories for employee incentives, and the health and wellness thing. I was wondering if you could expand on that, because I think those are very good ideas.
Those are my three questions for whoever would like to start.
:
I'll try to tackle the first one, dealing with EFTA.
Let me just give you a little bit of history so you have the context. About four years ago, the previous government came forward with a proposal to have a trade agreement with EFTA. Supported by the Conservative Party, the Bloc, the NDP, plus every provincial government in Atlantic Canada, we were able to convince the then industry minister that it did not make any sense. It went on a hiatus. We thought it was dead. Then with the new government, the officials brought this forward for consideration and discussion, and negotiations were re-entered with EFTA about three weeks ago.
We stopped it dead once. Now it has come back to life, so we're doing a replay, shall we say, of the same sort of thing. Everybody we talk to says this doesn't make any sense, and we need to stop it, so it's just taking a bunch of energy and time and investment to try to bring forward the information.
In terms of going forward, though, and trying to address the issues, I guess you can't have a trade negotiation with one department in isolation, especially when your competitor has a number of policy frameworks in place that support the industry. So, first off, the Department of Industry has to know what the consequences are. We've been asking who wins, who loses, if there has been an analysis done. The answer is that they don't know, and no. That is the first thing that has to be done.
The international trade department needs to gather that information together and decide if it makes sense, under the parameters of the information we have, to go forward. Are there winners? Are there losers? What are the benefits? That has not been done.
Some of the other policy supports that Norway has, for example, include a corporate fiscal arrangement, which is called a KS company. Essentially, that is roughly equivalent to a limited partnership arrangement whereby private investors can invest in a ship. They then can deduct depreciation and losses against other income at a high rate of 150%, so they're able to attract investment into a capital-intensive business.
There are issues like those I touched upon dealing with rules of origin. The trade negotiator didn't even understand what that meant or the consequences of that until about two weeks ago, when I started writing him and explaining what the process was. You need to have a government-wide analysis of what the impact will be on the elimination of the high tariff policy, in light of which policy frameworks are in place in the country where we're negotiating the free trade agreement. If they have four or five different policies in place, and we eliminate the one that is here for us, then we have to have at least the equivalent tools to be able to compete with the foreign competitors that are being brought into our own marketplace.
That would be my suggestion.
:
You have to appreciate that if you look at the North Sea there are two distinct sectors: there's the British sector and there's the Norwegian sector. We work happily in the British sector. It's open. It's under EEC rules in terms of procurement and so on, and that eliminates protectionism. In the case of the Norwegian sector, nobody works there unless there is absolutely no Norwegian ship left to do the job.
It's very difficult to regulate a mentality. You have to understand where shipping in the offshore stands in the Norwegian mentality. There are four million people in a unitary state in a small geographic area. It's the equivalent of oil to Alberta, of the auto sector to Oshawa, of pulp and paper to certain regions of Quebec, and so on. It is extremely important, and for 30 years they have built a well-honed, highly efficient, extremely protected marketplace through the regulatory process. There is no tariff, and there's probably nothing in writing that prevents foreign operators from working there, but they never do.
They have Statoil, a government-regulated oil company, which is 80% Norwegian government-owned. They participate in the development and have the right to back in and have involvement in the procurement process and in the approval of development projects. In addition, they have a petroleum directorate, which is a government agency similar to our offshore petroleum boards, which regulates development of the offshore. So when a proponent comes forward, they put a development plan together, which includes all kinds of things like environmental considerations, the method of development drilling, job scope, content, and so on and so forth.
The Norwegians are very careful in giving approvals to projects that are in the interest of Norway. If a developer comes forward with Norwegian ships, Norwegian offshore-constructed platforms, etc., it gets the nod. Very often there will be delays in development if there is not capacity in the Norwegian sector. Let's say the shipyards are completely full. Then that project won't get approved until the next cycle, in six months or a year, when there's space in the yards. I call it Norway Inc., and it's a product of homogenous culture, mentality, and the importance of the shipbuilding sector and offshore oil and gas to that country. They don't think that anybody can do as good a job as they can, and therefore they push it.
You just have to look at the British sector and the Norwegian sector. The Norwegian sector is built, run, manned, and operated by Norway. That's it. When you go to the British North Sea sector, it's open to the world.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Bienvenue à Nouvelle- Écosse. I'd like to thank you very much for coming to Halifax. I really welcome this opportunity to share some of the perspectives of manufacturers in Nova Scotia, in this region.
I think the committee would be very familiar with the work generally of the Canadian Manufacturers and Exporters, or CME. You'd be familiar with the 20/20 consultation initiative that started a few years ago. Our senior vice-president, Dr. Jayson Myers, appeared before this committee and provided input into your interim June 2006 report.
I guess what I can share is a little bit about the perspective of manufacturers and exporters here in Nova Scotia. I will start by stating probably the obvious, that this is not Ontario or Quebec when it comes to manufacturing, and for that reason it's a little bit of an untold story. Even with our own stakeholders here in Nova Scotia we find that many people are not aware of the impact and the contribution offered by the manufacturing sector to the province.
We have less than one million people, and yet 55,000 jobs, really high-paying, good jobs with excellent benefits, are provided by manufacturers, including by my colleague here at the table and by other presenters today. This is a big chunk of our economy. It represents about 10% of our economic activity in Nova Scotia. On a percentage basis, that's comparable to the impact of manufacturing in Alberta and in British Columbia, so it's important. Our challenge is trying to keep that on the radar for all of our stakeholders, including government, so thank you for asking us here today.
Getting back to our regional differences, I'd like to highlight the fact that manufacturing in Nova Scotia, and I think this may be true in other areas of the Atlantic as well, is very much rural-based. Although we have excellent representation here in the Halifax urban area, our manufacturing is very solidly placed in the rural areas. It's an important part of the economy for those municipalities and for the province as a whole. Our challenge, again, is to make sure that all decision-makers are aware of that.
With the CME, one of our main goals, of course, is to track the interests and concerns of our members. We do that in different ways. I will be referring to a document here, which, sadly, with only three days' notice to be here, I could not provide in French, but I really do recommend for the later consideration of the members. It's entitled Balancing Business in Global Markets. I think you would be familiar with it. It's the annual management issues survey that CME conducts.
The document is very comprehensive. It includes approximately 1,000 survey results from manufacturers across the country. You'd probably be interested in some of the latest results. It may give you a bit of an update on your June report, for example.
You won't be surprised to know that rising business costs are considered to be the number one challenge facing the manufacturing sector. Of course that would include taxes and that would include energy; that's not unusual. The volatile Canadian dollar is an issue for our manufacturers across the country, and here too, of course.
The lack of skilled workers is a major concern that's been identified across the country, but it's a particular issue here in Nova Scotia. Our particular demographic, an aging workforce, is a serious issue. Our members tell us they're having difficulty accessing even unskilled workers. In the east we have a further challenge here in that the booming economy in Alberta has become very attractive to our skilled workers and to our unskilled workers. This is an issue that all of my colleagues in Atlantic Canada are coping with.
If we have a chance later, I'd like to speak to you about how the CME is addressing this through a couple of initiatives. One is called “icosmo”, which is an online opportunity to match up our businesses here with Alberta's. The other initiative is with a very targetted buyer-seller forum that we will be supporting in Alberta. Again, the mission for us here, and for me in particular, is to keep our manufacturers prospering here and to give them more opportunities elsewhere in Canada.
Getting back to that list of challenges, which is your number one concern, the cumulative effect of taxes is a big problem. Of course this drives up the cost of labour. So you can see that's a particular issue for us. Like all other manufacturers in Canada, we are concerned about the possible slowdown of the U.S. economy, because that's a big impact for us.
Another item I'd like to share with you is a collaboration, which is always worth celebrating, among 21 manufacturing-related industry associations and the CME. These groups represent every major sector of manufacturing, including automotive, aerospace, mining, forestry, and consumer products. This group has prepared a submission to the Prime Minister. That was done on November 7 in a letter from the coalition. I did provide an English and French version of that letter. I hope the members will be seeing it.
I'll just quickly run through some of the recommendations in that letter. One will be familiar from our earlier presenters, and that is a two-year writeoff for the capital cost allowance for investments in new manufacturing, processing, and the associated information, energy, and environmental technologies with that.
Another recommendation is that government should maintain its commitment to lower the federal corporate tax rate to 18.5% by the year 2011, and also undertake to reduce it by a further 1.5%, to 17% by the year 2012.
The group is asking for an improvement to the scientific research and experimental development program, which is universally referred to as the SR&ED or SRED tax credit system, so that the credits would be refundable and exclude them from the calculation of the tax base, to provide an allowance for international collaborative R and D and to extend the tax credit to cover the cost for patenting.
Another recommendation of the collaboration is to introduce a training tax credit that would be creditable against employment insurance premiums.
The final recommendation is to effectively enforce the federal user fees act to increase accountablity and to require departments to set internationally competitive regulatory process standards. This would be an initial step towards a more effective, timely, and cost-effective regulatory regime.
I hope the members will have a chance to look at that submission and give it some consideration.
One area that is of interest right now to CME nationally relates to some initiatives the government has taken on the west coast in announcing the Asia Pacific gateway initiative. CME nationally feels that this is a great initiative to help Canada to achieve global competitiveness in trade. Our national president, the Honourable Perrin Beatty, has spoken in favour of something that would kind of tag on to this, and that's the idea of a comprehensive national logistic strategy. We feel that would allow Canada to become a pivotal player in an integrated North American logistic system, so that it would include not just the more obvious players, but the manufacturers, shippers, ports and airports even, as well as rail and road transportation, the warehousing facilities, telecommunications, and border security. So again the idea is towards a national logistics strategy.
Here in Atlantic Canada we see marine transportation as an enabler of regional economic development. When you have your later tours on this visit I guess you'll see some of the advantages we have here in Atlantic Canada. Obviously the ice-free ports are an advantage, and you'll hear about costs and transit time advantages for our ports over New York and over the rest of the northeastern seaboard. We have the ability to expand container rail transfer and direct barge transfer here in Halifax. And elsewhere in Nova Scotia there's a potential for a dedicated container water transfer terminal; that's in Port Hawkesbury.
So there are a lot of advantages here, and we see marine transportation as something that can really boost the regional economy.
I want to thank the committee for the invitation to appear today. I'll try to be brief, probably seven minutes or so, with any luck.
I would start with the question around the number one challenge facing almost every industry in Canada today, and that's the labour shortage. It's something I don't think we've experienced in our lifetimes, and it's time to start getting serious about it.
Ten years from now in Nova Scotia our unemployment rate is going to be zero. Today in Prince Edward Island we've got guest workers working at fish plants. Today in New Brunswick we've got guest workers being brought in from Europe to drive long-haul vehicles.
This is a reality we face and a challenge we have to address today. Immigration is not the solution. Certainly done right, immigration can help address the problem, but it is certainly not going to be a be-all and end-all.
Our current immigration pattern sees immigrants that look a lot like us already in terms of age, skill sets, composition, and place in life. We need younger entrepreneurial immigrants along an older model. We also need to take a serious look at guest workers along the lines of the recent invitation to enter into a guest worker program with Mexico, a ready labour pool, already inside NAFTA at a time when Canada and the United States are facing severe labour shortages.
We need to make those kinds of things easier, not harder. We also need to consider the long-term benefits of efforts to increase the domestic birth rate along the lines of the things that Quebec has done successfully. But more immediately and most urgently for this committee, we need to adjust the myriad of federal and provincial policies designed to mop up surplus labour of the 1970s.
For example, we still have employment insurance with benefits that probably outweigh the need. We have access to rotating benefits so EI can still become a lifestyle. We have regionally differentiated benefits that ensure that people stay in places of low unemployment and are not as productive as they possibly could be. We need to take a look at our public services. They're far too large. They're keeping people who could be used in the private sector out of that employment. We have to take a serious look at our universities and the post-secondary sector. They often take too long to instill skills into our youth, and they take an awful lot of labour to do that kind of training, so they take both of those groups out of our labour pool.
We also have to remember that not everyone needs a university degree. Not just software engineers can make $100,000 a year any more. The other thing we need to take a serious look at is our continued focus on job-based subsidies and forgivable loans. What we need are productive enterprises, not make-work projects. Maybe we need to consider rewards for eliminating jobs or focusing our tax credits based on the highest production per employee, as opposed to simply having employees.
If we dropped the civil service in every province to the national average, we would add about 133,000 people to the national workforce. If we just got the five easternmost provinces to the national participation rate, we'd add another 156,000 people to the national workforce. And even in those kinds of efforts we also have to stop penalizing people who want to work. For example, retirees lose pension income for working. They have high effective marginal tax on any earnings they make after retirement. The same thing applies for people trying to transition from welfare to employment. They pay the highest tax rates in the country. In some instances the marginal effective tax is 100%, so every dollar they earn by going to work, they lose.
Getting beyond labour, we have to recognize that an aging population and a labour shortage is not the death knell for Canada. The answer is improved productivity. And we've been talking about productivity for over a decade, so the question becomes why are we not celebrating our foresight in having recognized that was what we needed to do?
The answer is quite simple. Capital drives productivity, and our policies right now drive capital away.
On average, our combined federal and provincial tax on capital is around 4% to 6% better than the U.S. They take roughly 40%. We take roughly 36% on average, but our effective marginal tax rate on the next dollar added in investment is higher than most other jurisdictions. Other jurisdictions encourage the next dollar of investment. We tax it. As a result, we have among the lowest return of tax receipts as a percentage of GDP on business. We have a 1% to 1.5% gap between Canada and the U.S. in actual investment and we have a similar gap in investment in R and D.
When capital flees and labour is in short supply, we get negative results. Our GDP per capita gap between us and the United States is widening, not narrowing.
With capital and labour in short supply, clearly, smart investment becomes the priority. Research and development, new technologies, new industries, all result from this focus. And we certainly have seen some progress in this area--or have we? According to one measure I saw recently, Canada offers the best tax treatment of R and D in the G-7: tax credits, accelerated tax deductions, and a broader definition of allowable costs. But the problem is that our R and D investment is heavily weighted to the government and academic sectors.
In 2003, government and academic R and D spending was effectively equal to that in the private sector. Now, contrast that to the United States, where the private sector is about three times the academic and government investment. Then consider that balance in the light of the regular admissions that universities are generally bad at commercialization. Certainly they've got better over the last few years, but they've improved primarily by working with the private sector.
We need to rebalance our R and D investment. R and D can happen in the private sector. In terms of swift, practical commercialization and broad application, it's often better if it happens in the private sector. Consider a recent approach suggested to me by a small manufacturer in rural Nova Scotia. He suggested that we not only look at increasing our R and D tax credits, but we match that with a tax credit for production. So, in effect, if you have an R and D tax credit that results in a product you bring to market, you get a second reward for doing that exercise. To put it in his words, “You do R and D into something new, you receive an incentive. You produce something innovative and you receive an incentive.” That's innovation. That's technology. That's manufacturing. The added benefit is you might see some of our existing manufacturers, even small manufacturers, start to invest in R and D capacity, driving even more innovation, more investment, and more production.
Now, even if we had the ideal balance with workforce and capital and the right incentives for R and D, we also still have the challenge of getting our products to market, and quite honestly in this region in many instances you simply can't. East coast ports, for example, have been the poor cousin of trade expansion as Asian trade has driven growth. But we have real opportunities on this coast with post-Panamax and post-Panamax plus and the even larger ships that are coming along to meet that demand on both coasts. Again, it's about markets.
A twinned highway from here to central Canada takes us away from our markets, not toward them. CN has recognized this by increasingly expanding its rail service in the Midwest. We need to follow suit with expanded road and air capacity and improved, consistent regulations that allow traffic to move across provincial boundaries and across provincial, national, and state boundaries in the same manner. To use one example, we need to be able to load a road train--which is a truck with a couple of trailers attached to it--either in Yarmouth or Halifax and move it across roads into Buffalo without having to go 500 or 1,000 miles north to avoid roads that are either poorly serviced or on which those vehicles aren't allowed to operate. Here in Atlantic Canada, for example, the only stretch of road you can operate those vehicles on is between Moncton and Saint John.
:
I'd like to thank the committee, Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity to speak.
Being from New Glasgow, I must be one of those old country boys who the previous two speakers were referring to as being from rural Nova Scotia, so bear with me.
To give you a little background about Maritime Steel, Maritime Steel is a manufacturing company based in Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island. The company manufactures steel bridges and other steel structures in the Dartmouth plant. We have a modern foundry located in New Glasgow, Nova Scotia. And we build food processing and fish processing equipment and other stainless steel structures in P.E.I. In fact, we recently finished doing some work for an Alberta firm in a reactor plant.
Maritime Steel has operated for 104 years in the New Glasgow area and currently employs 150 people in New Glasgow. We have a mere 25 people in Dartmouth now, because of a slowdown in the structural business, and 35 people in Prince Edward Island. The structural division is really in a state of decline. The foundry operation is relatively busy, as is the Charlottetown facility.
In terms of the business climate, Maritime Steel and Foundries Limited has been impacted by challenging market conditions that have restricted growth in the past five years. Currently, the company's foundry division has managed its way to record sales, despite a long-term decline in the industry and recent market conditions.
In the 1960s there were approximately 1,000 foundries in Canada. In the 1980s there were 500, and there are approximately 150 today. A number of foundries in Upper Canada, if you will, in Ontario, have recently gone out of business, and it's indicative of the issues that we face.
Some of the circumstances that have had an impact and may continue to negatively have an impact on the organization are as follows. The two previous speakers alluded to much of this.
As we export most of our product to the United States, the high relative value of the Canadian dollar and the speed with which it has increased in value have had an impact on both our revenues and our margins.
Competition from countries with low-cost labour, such as China, India, and Mexico, to name a few, and others, are an ever-present threat to our continued growth and prosperity.
The cost of energy and its impact on the shipping industry, as well as the direct cost of energy, is increasingly affecting the cost competitiveness of Canadian manufacturers and our cost competitiveness. The cost of meeting regulatory initiatives, as new environmental restrictions become tighter, is making our product more expensive in the marketplace.
Skill shortages in eastern Canada, as the migration of skilled trades and technical people to the west continues, has reduced our competitiveness here.
Competition from U.S. firms that are in close proximity to our customers means slim and shrinking profit margins as we pay the shipping costs to get our product to the market.
We have some suggestions to help Canadian manufacturers compete in this existing environment.
We would suggest that community colleges be encouraged to take an initiative to enhance formal industrial training initiatives directed at production workers, as well as in cooperation with industry and unions where the unions provide skilled people. We've seen a number of precedents for this in the Atlantic provinces that have been eminently successful in allowing people on unemployment insurance and welfare to become active members of the workforce.
Another suggestion is to encourage and simplify industry and university research and development partnership programs. As previous speakers have mentioned, we have some direct experience in working with universities in trying to develop a culture where we would share our capital equipment and expertise with the universities, and vice versa, in an attempt to rejuvenate the steel industry here in Atlantic Canada, which in days of old was a primary employer of Canadians.
Third, ensure that Canadian manufacturers have access to low-cost fuel to enhance their competitive advantage. For example, and this is one that is very specific to us, a natural gas pipeline passes within a few miles of Maritime Steel's plant in New Glasgow, and we and other industries in the area do not have access to that gas. This means that we are dependent on higher-cost propane for much of our process needs. Every dollar at the margin, every incremental dollar that you pay for fuel, reflects directly on your margins and your competitiveness in the marketplace.
Fourth, we are suggesting that the government help Canadian companies with market studies and provide additional assistance in matching our manufacturing capabilities here in Atlantic Canada and elsewhere in Canada with Alberta's industrial needs. The Canadian Manufacturers' Association in fact is working on that initiative, and I applaud that activity. Hopefully it will benefit companies not only in Maritime Canada but in Quebec and Ontario and will also satisfy Alberta's insatiable need to grow.
Fifth, ensure that environmental regulation is based on sound scientific research. In many cases we find that our province here has a tendency to adopt rules and measures that are put in place in other jurisdictions, and we find that some of these rules that are affecting us directly are in fact very expensive and cost the company a great deal of money.
Again, thank you for the opportunity to speak here today. That concludes my talk.
:
I'm glad you asked that question. I wanted to respond to Mr. Van Kesteren's question earlier.
Maritime Steel's division in Prince Edward Island, where we do stainless steel work, has developed a continuous cooker for the seafood industry, for example, which continuously processes shellfish and dramatically improves the productivity of a fish plant operation. We've developed that on our own; we had little or no help from a government agency. We have come to the point where we're likely to patent it. Our prototype is still in the shop. We've sold two other units and we're about to build the third. By the third one we got it right; we know how to build them now. We expect to be able to sell the product internationally. In fact, we'll be marketing it in Chile in the coming months.
We've also entered into a partnership with a British firm in developing a stunner for shellfish. When seafood is cooked these days, you'll find the market is demanding uncooked lobster tails. If you went into a processing plant and saw a lobster trying to crawl around without his legs and without his tail, you would think that might be deemed to be inhumane. What our stunner does is allow that animal to die quickly and effectively without having to go through that kind of processing. That product is under development now.
We've been working through ACOA—though we haven't got this off the ground yet—trying to rejuvenate the steel industry in Nova Scotia and working with the steel foundries association in the U.S. and the Canadian Foundry Association to do some real research and development here at Dalhousie in partnership with ourselves. They have a scanning electron microscope that we can't afford; we have a mass spectrometer that they don't have. So we're sharing that high-priced capital equipment and our expertise; we have three metallurgists on staff, two from Quebec with master's degrees, and another fellow. We're ready, willing, and able to get on with some really effective R and D. But I must admit, I don't know how to go about it; I don't know how to approach the government and take advantage of what's out there. It may be my fault for not educating myself well enough on it, but I would like some help, because we've got a real opportunity to direct our capital investment in the future into areas that are going to dramatically improve the population.
We've grown the foundry threefold in the last four years, and we've done that because we've become very efficient at what we do. We've put some capital into the process and we've educated our workforce and we've partnered with our unions to become more effective. So we're on the move and we want to continue to do that.