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I've been told in no uncertain terms by a member of the committee, “Let's get moving”, so I guess we'll have to get moving.
I want to welcome all of you here today to our meeting and our consideration of .
I want to welcome here today, from the Department of Citizenship and Immigration, Mr. Malcolm Brown, assistant deputy minister, strategic and program policy; Micheline Aucoin, director general, refugees branch; and Mr. Eric Stevens, legal counsel, legal services. Thank you for your presence here today to help us out as we consider Bill C-280.
I think you are well aware of the drill. I think you have opening remarks, so I'll go to Mr. Brown, the ADM, for opening remarks. Do you all have opening statements?
:
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would like to thank the committee for having invited departmental officials from Citizenship and Immigration to speak to you on the issue you are studying, that is to say Bill C-280, an Act to amend the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act.
As you stated, Mr. Chairman, I am accompanied today by Ms. Micheline Aucoin, Director General, Refugees Branch, and by Mr. Eric Stevens from the department's Legal Services Branch.
The committee is aware of the subjects of concern to the government as far as Bill C-280 is concerned. The committee also knows that the government opposes the bill. We are here to answer procedural questions, for example concerning the necessary preparations for the implementation of a schedule, and questions related to the transition.
At Citizenship and Immigration Canada, we are very proud of our Canadian refugee determination system. It is often described as being one of the best in the world, including by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. There is no doubt that Canada respects its international commitments and the requirements of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and that it even goes beyond that. Canadians can be proud of their humanitarian tradition.
[English]
Let me begin by drawing your attention to the fact sheet entitled “Refugee Appeal Division” that the department tabled at this committee in December of last year. In that document, we discussed the many opportunities that refugee claimants currently have to show why they should not be removed from Canada.
First, they have access to the refugee protection division of the Immigration and Refugee Board, where independent, well-trained, well-informed decision-makers hear the claimants' stories and review the information put forward to support that story.
Second, claimants have access to the pre-removal risk assessment, where they can put forward any new information that has not been considered by the IRB. Well-trained, well-informed public servants ensure that individuals are not returned for persecution, torture, or death.
Third, failed refugee claimants can apply to stay in Canada for humanitarian and compassionate reasons, including reasons of risk. Refugee claimants can and do make such applications, and many are accepted. About half of applicants for permanent residence on humanitarian and compassionate grounds—H and C, for brevity—are failed refugee claimants. The general H and C acceptance rate is 50%.
Fourth, refused refugee claimants can apply for a judicial review of that decision. The Federal Court review involves a full paper review of the IRB decision on grounds of fact and law, much like the refugee appeal division as proposed in Bill .
The Federal Court can send and has sent cases back to the IRB based on patently unreasonable errors in findings of fact in a range of cases, including on issues relating to the claimant's credibility, assessing medical evidence, gender persecution claims, as well as the availability of police protection and country conditions.
I would like now to turn to some of the technical issues that are raised by Bill .
The first issue has already been raised by Jean-Guy Fleury, the former chair of the IRB, when he appeared before this committee in December 2004. He advised that the board would require approximately one year to establish a fully operational refugee appeal division. I believe this lead time to be optimistic.
While the IRB is here to testify later this morning, there are a number of issues worth identifying. Board members with a different competency in hearing appeals than is currently the case would need to be assigned to the RAD, or appointed. Finding members and training them will take time. As well, a new set of rules establishing the procedures and conduct of a new division would need to be created. The IRB would also need to locate office space, set up systems for applications to be made, and establish case management technologies to implement the RAD. Resources would need to be identified even to begin such a process.
The second group of issues relate to the lack of transitional provisions in Bill , which raises a number of questions. Who would be eligible for this new appeal? Would it apply to old cases, since the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act came into force in 2002, or only to new ones? What would be the rule for cases currently before the Federal Court? Who would hear cases sent back by the court: the refugee protection division or the refugee appeal division? What are the risks of saddling the new appeal division with a large backlog, which would cause further delays? These are issues that could have serious consequences, if Bill is enacted into law.
In the fact sheet the department tabled in December, we indicated that the addition of the refugee appeal division would add at least another five months to the already long refugee process. This is based on the assumption that the RAD would be given a fresh start without a backlog on day one and that it would be implemented with a full set of trained decision-makers already in place. Should this not be the case, these delays could stretch to many more months.
I would also point out that among the unproclaimed provisions of IRPA is a section, section 73, that ensures that the government could appeal any decisions of the refugee appeal division. This section does not form part of Bill . Just as failed claimants have access to the Federal Court, so should the Minister of Immigration.
Thank you for your time listening to me. We welcome your questions.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Good morning, everybody, and thank you for coming here today.
I understand from your remarks that there are some challenges and there would be some challenges if we were to implement the appeal division. I'm sure there are challenges in maintaining our refugee and IRB system as is right now. I'm not trying to dismiss or refuse to acknowledge that there would be some challenges in implementing the appeal division.
But having said that, at the time we reduced the IRB panel from two judges to one judge, wasn't the intent that it be a compromise, to reduce the panel and make it more efficient, but in exchange for an appeal division that IRB would implement?
:
You're really asking me two questions, and I'll try to answer both.
In terms of the challenges, yes, of course there are challenges in running any system. What we've tried to identify today are specific challenges that I think are unique, in terms of our having been asked about the specific implications of Bill .
There is a responsibility upon officials to identify what those are. They are significant and, I would argue, they are not simply business-as-usual ones in operating big systems. They're complex.
As I underlined in my statement, and I won't repeat it, there are very significant implications if the bill is passed as it currently stands, in terms of the absence of transition provisions and those sorts of things.
On your second question, about the “deal”, to paraphrase what you've described, there is no question that IRPA contained the provisions and that RAD was not implemented. I'm not sure it's a question of the history of it; it's the question of the implications of the decision around implementing the RAD. At the time, there were implications in terms of backlogs, and there was a decision made.
I think as well, our assessment is that the system we have now is working quite well. As for the concerns some people may have had at the time around a single decision-maker and whether their system was robust enough and had sufficient protections in place, we think adding a new measure of appeal wouldn't significantly change things and would in fact only result in further delay and more money.
Our view is that the circumstances of how IRPA was negotiated at the time of the bill is an historical point. As an official, I have to deal with the consequences of the legislation before us, and a debate, frankly, about what was or wasn't agreed to at the time is really outside my pay grade, if I can put it that way.
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Okay. I certainly appreciate and accept the fact that you are sharing with us what you feel would be the challenges of implementing the appeal division. As I said, I'm not dismissing them.
You will also perhaps agree with me that these decisions made by IRB are significant and will have significant ramifications upon the people who are seeking a decision by IRB. Any significant alteration of the decision process will sometimes have life-and-death ramifications upon the lives of those people. And not only do we have to be fair, but we have to be seen to be implementing a fair and transparent process.
This committee has heard from various witnesses about the challenges and the obstacles an applicant would have to face if he or she is denied, based on what they feel was an unfair decision, and if the court review process or the PRA process did not afford a transparent or open appeal mechanism.
Let me get back to this question. Would you, then, favour reinstating two judges on the IRB panel instead of implementing the appeal division?
Without trying to get drawn into a conversation about what happened in 2002, some pretty significant questions would need to be answered before there could be a coherent implementation of the RAD in terms of who's eligible. Committee members need to be fully aware of the implications of the absence of transitional measures and an instantaneous backlog of an additional 40,000 people. That's, I think, our estimate of the potential number of people who might apply if there are no traditional transitional provisions, in terms of who's eligible to apply, in terms of decisions that have been made two or three or four or five years ago.
That's one example. Our colleagues from the IRB can better talk to you about the implications that would have for them.
The other piece of this is, just to reiterate, that all the assumptions on lead time, which are the subject of some debate, are all premised on assuming there is no backlog and the IRB is ready to go. They can talk more about the implications of that, but the consequences for implementing a decision without the appropriate structures in place are pretty significant, I think.
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I have been back to refugee camps. And as a member of Parliament, I have dealt with cases where bad decisions were made and people were sent out of the country. I don't know what happened to them, in some cases. I'm haunted by those things. It bothers me. So the appeal division is not going to be perfect, just as the Supreme Court doesn't always make perfect decisions, but by the time it gets to the Supreme Court and they make a decision, I will be able to sleep at night.
I'm going to read--and I suggest you listen, because you haven't been with the department very long--from a clause-by-clause manual that came out when we were dealing with the immigration and refugee act: “The establishment of this right of appeal and new Division would improve the refugee determination process in Canada by enabling the correction of clear errors in decisions of the Refugee Protection Division without recourse to the Federal Court and by enhancing”-- and I underline the word enhancing--“the quality and consistency in decisions through the provision that the decisions of three member panels of this Division are binding on the Protection Division on questions of law.”
One of the problems we have had, and it has certainly been a lot worse with the one-member panel, is that just as the Federal Court of Appeal sets the rules for the Federal Court justices, so does the putting in place of a refugee appeal division....
This discourse I have heard in the last 40 minutes or so is straight out of Yes, Minister. I really cannot believe, to the extent that the will of Parliament...and it was the will of Parliament to put in a refugee appeal division. I hope you understand that the refugee appeal division is going to pass, and we're going to hold the government accountable if it doesn't act upon it.
And I dare say I am somewhat disturbed that a person who holds your position has such little experience in the Department of Citizenship and Immigration.
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We should look at the shortcomings and at how those shortcomings may be addressed in this bill by way of amendment. I think it would only be reasonable. There was some issue that was presented here before this committee, saying that we need transitional provisions because five years have passed. Is it unreasonable to take that into account and ask how we might address that in the bill, or how we might address it in terms of this piece of legislation?
You're asking about going forward, about implementation, about the cost it may take to implement this. Depending on whether you're going to create a backlog or not create a backlog, that will have some significance, so you have to have some kind of staging, some kind of plan that will take this into account on a go-forward basis. We haven't done that, and it doesn't appear the committee is interested in doing that. That's irresponsible, and it's not being properly diligent. I don't think it takes the whole system into account, as it should, for the benefit of either government or anyone else.
When we look at the bill as it now reads, it—
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
I have an opening statement. I'll try to be brief.
One thing I'd like to emphasize at the outset is that the board is an independent administrative tribunal. It doesn't engage in the broader policy questions.
I hope to give you an overview of the refugee appeal division, the legislation and how it would work, the implications in terms of cost and processing time, and to highlight for you some of the particular challenges the board might face if we were called upon today to implement the RAD.
As I indicated, the board is an independent administrative tribunal. I'm sure all of you know that one of its functions is to make determinations in matters of refugee status.
In 2006 the refugee protection division of the board made about 20,000 determinations. Of those, status was granted in about 9,300 cases, about 8,100 were rejected, and the remainder were either abandoned or withdrawn in the process.
The refugee appeal division would add a fourth division to the board--an entirely new organism. The function of this division in the legislation would be to provide for an appeal of an RPD decision. A claimant whose claim is rejected, or the minister in a case where status was granted, would have a right of appeal. The right of appeal does not exist for those individuals who the RPD has decided have abandoned or withdrawn their claims. It's restricted to decisions that are made on the merits of the case.
Like any appeal process, the RAD would serve two functions. One of them is to do justice in individual cases. The other one is a broader systemic function to promote consistency of decision-making at the RPD by providing guidance and direction.
The reason we want to put this forward is that sometimes there are misperceptions from comments in the media about the RAD. It's important to illustrate what it would not do. Number one, it's an appeal that would be decided on the facts of the case as they existed at the time the RPD made its decision. In other words, the RAD would not entertain any new evidence.
It's a paper process. The RAD would not conduct any oral hearings; it wouldn't hear testimony from individuals.
Finally, the RAD's sole function is to determine whether a person is a refugee. In other words, it would not include the functions of the pre-removal risk assessment, nor would it adjudicate on issues such as humanitarian and compassionate grounds for remaining in Canada.
When the RAD makes its determination, it can do one of three things: uphold the decision the RPD made, set it aside and substitute its own decision, or set aside the RPD decision and direct that the matter be heard again.
As Mr. Stevens pointed out in the previous testimony, the moment someone gets a negative decision from the RPD, they can seek leave of the Federal Court for judicial review under the legislation. If the RAD were implemented, a person could only access the Federal Court by first going through the RAD.
[Translation]
I would like to talk to you about the context at the time the RAD was deferred and the context today. When the implementation of the RAD was initially delayed, the volume of claims was at an all time high in the system, that is about 52,000 were waiting to be heard.
During this period of time, when the board worked to ensure the successful implementation of other reforms introduced in the new act, we also began...
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... to direct our attention to addressing the crisis of the growing backlog.
Our former chairperson has spoken to this committee on several occasions on the transformation agenda that was launched in 2003. This plan consisted of more than a dozen specific initiatives that sought to standardize and simplify processes, provide decision-makers with greater institutional guidance to enhance the quality and consistency of decision-making, and improve the efficiency of hearings. We standardized our country-of-origin documentation, introduced chairperson's guidelines and jurisprudential guides, and provided ample opportunity for members to discuss best practices in decision-making in order to promote consistency.
As well, temporary funding was secured by the IRB to hire additional resources to address the backlog. By mid-2006, our inventory had been reduced to less than 20,000 claims.
Today, however, our inventory of claims waiting for a decision is growing again. We project that, by the end of the fiscal year, our inventory will have climbed back to over 26,000 claims waiting for a decision.
[English]
Turning to the implementation of the RAD, as I've indicated before, the board does not want to make pronouncements on policy. Obviously the question of whether to pass this bill is strictly a matter for Parliament. What I would seek to do is to give you some sense of what implementation might mean for the board in terms of cost, processing time, and member recruitment.
In relation to cost, certain one-time start-up costs would be incurred in the first year of operation. Thereafter, there are the regular operating costs of a division. All of the estimates that I'm referring to are very preliminary, I'd like to stress that, and we might need to revisit them in the course of implementing.
Exclusive of information technology costs, we estimate that the one-time start-up cost relating to implementation would be around $2 million. Most of that is directed at ensuring that we get the right people with the right skills in place on the day that an appeal is first filed. Much of that is targeted at human resources work. It involves creating competency profiles for decision-makers, recruitment of decision-makers, recruitment of staff, and classification actions. A lot of training would need to be done. In addition, we need to develop the rules of the refugee appeal division, and we need to address our mind to such issues as accommodations and equipment.
I'd like to mention very briefly the question of information technology. In 2003 the board began work to replace what is an outdated case tracking system. We would have to institute a case management system for the refugee appeal division that would be compatible with the one that we've now developed for the refugee protection division.
We've taken a very preliminary look at the business requirements for the RAD, and that's a one-time cost that we estimate at $6 million. The one-time start-up costs that we see are $6 million for IT and $2 million for everything that is non-IT-related.
In relation to the operating costs, this is largely driven by the demand--in other words, the overall volume of appeals that the RAD would receive every year. That obviously is a function of how many cases the RPD finalize. We would anticipate that in any given year the operating costs would be somewhere between $6 million and $8 million. Again, it's something that depends on the volume of appeals that are filed.
[Translation]
To have a fair process, the law requires that the person appealing the case be given the time to review the original decision and prepare their written arguments. That would take about 45 days from the original decision. It would take the RAD a further three to three-and-a-half months to complete the case, so we estimate that, on average, the appeal process would add an additional five months to the board's overall average processing time.
Those are the costs and timeframes that the board can speak to; there are other costs that may be incurred by other federal organizations or other levels of government until the appeal is resolved. The success of the RAD depends on getting the right kind of decision-maker. The work that is done in adjudicating appeals in a paper process is different from the work required to conduct an oral hearing, where parties are present and give evidence.
The RAD members would need to have a practical approach to the appeal process, so past experience in adjudicating refugee claims at the first level would be a great asset.
[English]
I've given you a summary of what it would take in preparation and implementation. Taking all of those various elements together, the board estimates the RAD would be ready to function within 12 months of legislation being passed.
I'd like to stress, however, that the one-year window is really dependent on certain critical assumptions. One is that the funding is available for the board to do this job. Two is that there are timely appointments or reappointments of decision-makers. And the important third assumption, which really is critical to the success of the RAD, is that it doesn't come into existence with a backlog of appeals waiting to be adjudicated.
If the board does not have sufficient lead time to establish and staff the RAD prior to the right of appeal taking effect, then the RAD will start life with a backlog. This will potentially increase the processing time from the five months I've just mentioned, and raises questions about the workability of the appeal process.
I would like to thank you for appearing before the committee and for having presented the same figures as your predecessor, Mr. Fleury, who appeared previously as the chairman. Mr. Fleury cared about the Refugee Appeal Division being set up, but he felt that it was a political decision.
Despite everything, the legislators passed the bill here, in Parliament. The sections of the law are in place. I know that the tribunal is independent and that Citizenship and Immigration Canada is in control as far as the implementation of the Refugee Appeal Division is concerned.
It was the Assistant Deputy Minister, Mr. Malcolm Brown I believe, who said earlier that there would be 40,000 additional refugee cases in the backlog and that that would have repercussions on the Refugee Appeal Division.
Do you know where these refugees would come from?
I just have some comments, and I want to thank the witnesses for their presentation.
Chair, I'm going to reject the allegations that the parliamentary secretary was making earlier, when he was beginning his filibuster, that somehow other members of this committee aren't interested in doing their appropriate job, or aren't doing a good job in terms of dealing with this issue and with this piece of legislation. I want to reject that categorically.
If the government, whether Liberal or Conservative, had done its job, and if the Conservatives had remained consistent with the position they took in the last Parliament in support of the RAD, if the government, whether Liberal or Conservative, had respected both the will of Parliament and the law that was passed, we wouldn't be here today discussing a bill to implement existing legislation. Those of us who have been advocating for a fair and just refugee process in Canada wouldn't have this frustration, and we wouldn't have to resort to this kind of legislation.
It is ridiculous, as Monsieur Gravel pointed out, that we should have to have a bill to implement existing legislation. That could have been dealt with easily along the way and long before now, with very positive results for the system.
I'm going to say to the representatives from the IRB that no one in this room wants to overwhelm the IRB. If anything, we want to be advocates for an effective IRB, and we have done that in our work in terms of our concern about the backlog and the lack of appointments. We will continue that work. It's not our intention to frustrate the excellent work of the IRB on very important and life-and-death questions for many people, but we are extremely frustrated with the refusal of the government to implement the provisions of IRPA.
The reality remains that if the government were concerned about creating backlogs, they could implement the RAD today. They could take those steps. They could announce their commitment to it. They could announce a timeline, and I'm sure all of us would be willing to consider that kind of timeline and that kind of process if there were a firm and hard commitment to doing that. They have chosen not to do that, and that's why we're in this position today.
The government could have short-circuited Bill the day before it was passed in the House. They could have short-circuited it--I'm sure--the day after it was passed in the House. If they wanted to take into consideration that a strong majority of the members of the current Parliament supported this legislation because they believe the RAD is an important piece of our refugee determination process, they had the ability to respond to that action by Parliament, and they chose not to. So that's twice that the government has chosen not to do that.
Though I understand the frustrations that implementation might cause and the stresses it might cause, it is within the government's ability to deal with that at any time.
I have one question. You say that it might take 12 months to establish the RAD. When I ask for a deadline, I usually put some extra time in it. If pressed, could it be shorter, or is that a minimum timeline?
I want to get on the record, because there's been a lot of discussion here this morning concerning the bigger question of the RAD. I think we can all recognize the fact that in the past, legislation was passed that included the RAD. At that time, for some reason, the minister of the day, who was a Liberal, and the government decided not to implement that portion. Subsequently, there were at least two other Liberal ministers who did not implement it. There have been two Conservative ministers of citizenship and immigration who did not.
As a parliamentarian, I sit in the House and I recognize that there are five current or former ministers there, none of whom seem to believe that going ahead with this is a good idea. I wondered about that. And I can tell you that the other night I sat and watched the vote and saw the three Liberal former ministers there, and I actually saw one of the ministers vote against Bill C-280 and the other two remain in their seats, which is a powerful statement in itself, and not vote on it. They would not take the party's position that they supported Bill C-280.
I respect the fact that many people believe the RAD should be implemented, and I respect the fact that the NDP and the Bloc members on this committee feel that way. My question is for the Liberal members of this committee. I think you should be asking yourselves if some of your own colleagues, and I appreciate what Mr. Telegdi has said--
In terms of responding to that, one of the problems we have had is that we have had ministers who did not have the experience in the department to be making those decisions. It doesn't take a rocket scientist to figure that out. The fact of the matter is that we had Parliament pass the bill. It was passed to enhance the decision-making and enhance the fairness, and that point was made.
Since I have the floor, I would like to make a motion that the chair not receive any dilatory motions, quorum calls, or requests for unanimous consent, and proceed with the meeting as put on the agenda, and the timeline already established at the beginning of the committee meeting.
That's my motion, Mr. Chair.
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I've heard the motion, and I think it's a fair one, but I would like to move a friendly amendment, if possible. I think there needs to be a context to this motion.
I'd like to add as an amendment, “unless there is a need to put more questions to the witnesses relating to the importance of implementing RAD”.
It's clear that if there are dilatory tactics that relate to any other issue outside of what this committee is focusing in on at this time, all members of the committee have a right to be able to call that into question and to overrule any sort of delaying tactics. However, I think it's clear that we haven't given a fair amount of time to this particular issue relating to RAD. We have only had now, I think, this particular meeting in terms of being able to call witnesses on Bill C-280.
The previous effort by my colleague the parliamentary secretary was simply to try to extend the time of the committee so that it could have a few more questions for the previous witness, and all hell seemed to break loose. But in the last round of questioning where we had the witnesses, clearly all opposition members asked questions. All the government members actually allowed them to ask those questions because they were burning questions.
I think it's so important that we consider amending this motion put forward by Mr. Telegdi--
One thing we took pride in, and Mr. Telegdi can vouch for this, was that we had a great spirit of cooperation on this committee. It never interfered with the work the committee did. If there were serious concerns raised by members on this committee relating to time, relating to the order of precedence when it came to questioning, relating to the material at hand, there was always consideration given to the points raised and to the fact that members may have valid interests on particular issues.
So in moving this amendment, I think it's clear what I'm trying to suggest, that any particular ability for us as members to deal with Bill C-280, especially if we have questions for witnesses.... I know I had some questions from the previous witnesses, and I was--
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It seems to me, if there are relevant questions to be asked about RAD, we should be able to ask them in this particular forum. If we do have to change the time slightly, I think there should be at least the goodwill on behalf of committee members to be able to do this.
I don't usually move motions like this, nor do I speak on particular motions of this nature, but I must admit I was offended in the first round of questioning, as I mentioned. When we did have the ability to ask further questions, we were looking at changing the format according to the schedule. I know we've done that many times.
I sit on the steering committee with a number of members on the other side, and often what's determined at the steering committee is changed here at a particular committee if the majority of members don't agree with it. I know that in this particular case, to ask for slightly more time of witnesses, even though I know we have a very packed committee, there's no reason why we shouldn't be able to look over even potentially delaying witnesses. At the last meeting, I remember that we were going through the detention certificates report, and there were witnesses waiting, Mr. Chair. I felt sorry for them, yet our committee decided that we were going to send them home in order to continue on with the study of our report.
All my motion is speaking to is the particular fact that right now, if we want the ability to ask further questions, I don't think there should be any reason not to. There were legitimate efforts on behalf of members to find out, as we talked about, what sort of backlog is going to exist with this RAD if it's implemented and what sort of timeline will exist with the RAD if we are going to pass it.
Just because the opposition says so, and although they may have the majority on this committee and pass this bill here and later in the House, it doesn't make it so magically. There are going to be implementation issues that the government has to take into consideration, including the cost. We were just informed by Mr. Aterman that in fact it's going to be 7% of the current budget, which is clearly going to have an impact on the backlog position.
Of course, being the Government of Canada, we have to take this into consideration. The opposition doesn't necessarily have to worry about those implementation issues. They can pass anything they like and then simply say it's our problem to put it into effect. For these reasons, it's clear that we must have time to ask further questions. Again, my friendly amendment to the motion is simply suggesting that. Why wouldn't we have the ability to do so?
I know that even the last time around when we had the officials here, I wanted to ask what the minister would do in an appeal decision to RAD, and why the bill would include a provision for the minister to seek judicial review of RAD decisions. I wasn't able to put the questions to the previous witnesses. We would, in the spirit of this amendment that I'm moving, have the ability to actually bring back those witnesses in order for us to get the proper questions in. I think that's something the committee should really take into consideration.
On this refugee appeal division I think we've heard from a number of speakers around the table, including most recently my colleague Barry, who was asking a particular question that I think is a valid one. In the last opportunity I had to actually move a motion here at the committee--and I think it was the last time the committee met--I asked specifically that as a follow-up the committee consider what Barry had asked current witnesses. That was the question of why the previous ministers of immigration, in opposition, had not supported this new . When it comes to RAD, it was obvious to me there were huge splits, huge problems.