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I call the meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number 116 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Natural Resources.
Pursuant to Standing Order 81(5) and the motion adopted on Wednesday, November 20, 2024, the committee is commencing its consideration of supplementary estimates (B) 2024-25, referred to the committee on Monday, November 18, 2024.
Today's meeting is taking place in a hybrid format. I would like to remind participants of the following points. Please wait until I recognize you by name before speaking. All comments should be addressed through the chair. Members, please raise your hand if you wish to speak, whether participating in person or via Zoom. The clerk and I will manage the speaking order the best we can.
I would now like to welcome our guests and witnesses with us today.
For the first hour, we have the Honourable Jonathan Wilkinson, Minister of Energy and Natural Resources. From the Department of Natural Resources, we have our officials. We have Michael Vandergrift, deputy minister, Francis Brisson, assistant deputy minister and chief financial officer, Glenn Hargrove, assistant deputy minister of the Canadian forest service, and Erin O'Brien, assistant deputy minister of the fuel sector.
Just to let everyone know, I use these cards. The yellow card is a 30-second warning. The red card means the time's up. I'll try not to cut you off mid-sentence.
Minister Wilkinson, thank you for coming. The floor is yours for opening remarks. You have up to five minutes.
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Thank you, Mr. Chair and honourable colleagues. It is a pleasure to be with you today to speak to supplementary estimates (B).
Climate change is altering our world's natural environment in a myriad of harmful ways. This means increasingly severe and frequent weather events, but it also means more expensive groceries, higher local taxes and higher insurance premiums for Canadians. In fact, climate change is already costing the average Canadian household $700 per year, and it cost our economy $7 billion in insured losses last summer alone.
There is some good news here. The economics behind climate change are transforming global finance and markets, creating enormous opportunity on a scale similar to the Industrial Revolution for those who are thoughtful and strategic.
Canada's economic strategy, informed by science and business, is seizing this opportunity for workers and businesses. I look to places like Alberta, where over 6,000 workers are busy building a net-zero petrochemical facility. Other companies are moving quickly to reduce emissions and create thousands of good jobs, including companies like Strathcona, Linde, Shell, Entropy and more.
We cannot economically or environmentally deny and ignore the scientific reality, as the Conservative Party does today. Just like Canada's scientists the last time was in government, Conservative MPs are being muzzled and silenced. They are forced to repeat the same robotic rhymes and tired slogans. Their leader calls the shots and does not let them act on the impetus in front of us: a strong economy and a livable future for our children.
The government is taking a different approach. It's one focused on making life cost less, creating jobs, seizing the economic opportunities in front of us and positioning ourselves to continue to supply the world with its energy and critical minerals needs. Our approach is securing Canada's future as an energy superpower and delivering for Canadian workers in our oil and gas sector by placing a cap on carbon pollution. This ensures that record profits are invested back into Canada instead of overseas. It keeps the sector competitive over the long term, creates thousands of jobs for Canadians, and reduces emissions.
This plan is working. We have attracted historic investments from companies, including Volkswagen, which is building the largest electric vehicle manufacturing plant ever, Air Products, which is investing $1 billion to build a new hydrogen facility in Alberta, and the Burchill wind project in New Brunswick, which is cutting energy bills and creating good jobs for the Tobique First Nation.
[Translation]
As I said, emissions are down. They have dropped about 8% below 2005 levels, the lowest that they have been since 1992. By 2030, emissions will be 41% lower than what they would be under the Conservatives and millions of tonnes less than under the NDP's plan.
[English]
Colleagues, the estimates we are discussing today reflect the focus on creating jobs and increasing economic opportunities across Canada. They include investments for indigenous people, building new clean energy projects, advancing new technologies, extracting critical minerals, fighting wildfires and giving workers a seat at the table through the Sustainable Jobs Act.
I felt compelled to appear before you today because these important measures are at risk. The Conservative Party, enabled and supported by the Bloc and the NDP, is obstructing the work Canadians elected each of us to do by bringing this Parliament to a complete standstill. As we speak, in the chamber upstairs, they are blocking vital legislation that will deliver clean water to indigenous communities, funding to build affordable housing and funding for health care and dental care.
The NDP used to say it was a party of workers, but it is now supporting the Conservatives in blocking the $3 million needed to give workers a seat at the table through the Sustainable Jobs Act.
[Translation]
The Bloc Québécois used to care about Quebec's forestry sector. However, it now supports the Conservatives who are blocking over $4 million in critical funding to fight the forest fires that have harmed our forestry industry.
[English]
The Conservative Party, after years of ignoring indigenous rights and voices, is blocking over $13 million for the important work of the indigenous advisory and monitoring committee. Together, these parties are blocking funding for the smart renewables program, which is helping to build affordable, reliable and clean electricity grids.
Colleagues, I urge you all to support the estimates as presented, and ask you each to stand against 's ridiculous obstruction, which is wasting millions of taxpayer dollars, so we can adopt this funding that will strengthen our economy and fight climate change.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
I look forward to the questions.
Thank you, Minister and officials, for being here.
Minister, it strikes me that everything you just talked about seems to suggest that you haven't been in power for nine years. I guess the obvious question for most Canadians would be, “Well, how do you imagine that any of us are supposed to believe that any of those things are priorities for you, when, after nine years, you haven't gotten any of it done?” If you're so confident—now you want to fight the Conservatives, the NDP and whomever—then call a carbon tax election and let Canadians make this decision once and for all.
I have a general question for you, to start.
If you're the seller of a product, do you believe having more customers is better than having one?
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Ms. Dabrusin, thank you for your point of order.
I'm glad we are able to raise this right off the top. We want to make sure the individual asking the question asks the question, and that the minister has appropriate time to provide an answer. I hope members do not interrupt the individual asking the question, or the minister responding to the question asked. If you can give him an appropriate amount of time to do so, I think that would be greatly appreciated. Accordingly, we'll have a smooth meeting.
Thank you, Ms. Dabrusin, for your point of order.
Do you have a point of order, Mr. Falk?
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After nine years, what actually happened is this: In the first two years of your government, you killed two private sector-proposed, dedicated export pipelines—one to export to Asia and one to the east coast, which would have secured energy self-sufficiency for Canadians and export markets in Europe. In fact, TMX just now started operating. Within five years, Canada will be out of pipeline capacity altogether.
It is because of your policies that Canada is now, in 2023, still dependent on the U.S. as its number one customer for oil and gas, while the U.S., since 2015—in every Democrat, then Republican, then Democrat, then Republican administration—has turned the United States from a net importer of oil into a net exporter and Canada's biggest competitor. Because of your anti-development policies, they are still Canada's biggest customer.
How can you be proud of a track record that helps create jobs, build pipelines and send money and investment into the United States while leaving Canadians broke, poor and jobless?
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You're talking about jobs in the future. Since 2015, 300,000 Canadians have already lost their oil and gas jobs because of your policies.
The Conference Board of Canada, S&P Global and Deloitte say your first of its kind in the world cap, not a cause for celebration but instead a cause for caution, will kill between 100,000 and 150,000 jobs over the next 15 years.
I guess the question is simple, then. Do you believe the Conference Board of Canada, S&P Global, Deloitte, the Canadian chambers of commerce and all of the other experts and economists who have come out to say that your oil and gas cap, exactly as you intend it to, will kill hundreds of thousands of jobs? Do you think they're wrong?
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I do, actually. First of all, they were basing their analysis on a regulation that didn't even exist.
Second of all, one of the assumptions they made was that oil and gas companies would do nothing to reduce their emissions. The only person in this room or the only people in this room who actually think that's a reasonable thing to say are the climate deniers who maybe sit on the Conservative benches.
Paul, an oil sands worker from Fort McMurray, said, “[The oil and gas companies] are taking our money and bringing it out of province [right now]. All these companies are just raking in the money, taking it away when it can be invested here. If [it's a pollution cap, if] it's carbon capture, there you go, that's an investment. That's more money they can...keep here.”
That is exactly right.
Something that, as you know, is very important to me and members of our caucus and most members in the House, except for the climate deniers in the Conservative Party, is efforts to fight climate change. A key part of our government's work to fight climate change includes building new renewable energy projects. This is enabled, at least in some part, by the smart renewables and electrification pathways program, something it wholeheartedly supports.
Can you share with this committee and Canadians who are watching what the program does, why it's important and why Conservative members and their leader, in your view, are trying to stop this funding?
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It's an extremely important program. It's both economic and part of the climate plan. It supports the deployment of clean electricity infrastructure, from smart grids to wind turbines and solar panels. It also does energy storage. It provides thousands of good jobs; it provides cheap electricity, and it makes our electricity grids more affordable, reliable and clean.
It is also the case that most of the projects that actually have been undertaken through that program have indigenous ownership of some form, and in many cases it is 100% or the majority, like the Cowessess First Nation in southern Saskatchewan and a whole range of others.
About, I think, 2,700 megawatts of clean power has been deployed through that program, and approximately the same amount of energy storage. It is enabling us to move forward and ensure that we are cleaning our grid, but doing so in a responsible, reliable way that will be affordable for customers going forward.
Again, it is a shame that it is being blocked by the Conservative Party of Canada in terms of money going out to actually build projects in Alberta, Saskatchewan and other parts of the country.
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Of course, we need to reduce emissions, fight climate change and slow down its effects. In this sense, our plan is working.
We must also adapt to the climate change effects already under way. To this end, we launched the national adaptation strategy, the first of its kind in Canada. This strategy will help us adapt to and mitigate the growing threats of climate change and extreme weather events.
We've also invested over $800 million to fight and prevent forest fires. For example, as part of the WildFireSat mission, satellite images help us spot forest fires, monitor them and fight them more effectively. In Natural Resources Canada's supplementary estimates (B), you'll find $4.5 million to modernize Canada's ground satellite infrastructure, which supports important missions such as the WildFireSat mission. I want to emphasize the need for this funding in the fight against forest fires. It's time for the Conservatives to stop blocking this critical funding.
Thank you for joining us, Minister.
We've often talked about hydrogen. I don't want to talk about it at length. I just want to point out that, according to many articles, the hydrogen bubble is deflating. In the federal government's strategy, which is only four years old, the initial forecast stated that hydrogen would generate $11,000 billion. Just four years later, that figure has been lowered to $2,000 billion. This amounts to an 80% reduction. It's quite astonishing. However, I don't want to get into that. I just want to say that, in my opinion, people are often misguided when it comes to adopting energy strategies. I get the same impression in the case of carbon capture and sequestration.
I have a fairly simple question. I asked the same question when you were both at this committee. I would like a clear and unambiguous answer. Does the government intend to fund the Pathways Alliance through the Canada Growth Fund?
I would like to hear your answer to this question.
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I understand that people are sometimes misquoted in the media. However, some English‑language articles suggested that you and agreed to support the Pathways Alliance through the Canada Growth Fund. I'm saying this because you referred to the generous tax credit, which I believe is worth $12 billion. If money were also taken from the Canada Growth Fund, I would find that outrageous. Taxpayers shouldn't be responsible for paying oil companies.
I'm thinking about what Suncor's Rich Kruger had to say here. He suggested that oil companies were spending too much time reducing their carbon footprint. After that, do we really expect to use taxpayer money to reward these billion‑dollar companies? I find that outrageous.
It would be unwise for your government to decide to use, for this purpose, the Canada Growth Fund, which falls outside the government reporting entity. This means that you wouldn't need to follow the usual rules for awarding grants.
I don't want to put words in your mouth. However, when Ms. Freeland came here, she seemed open to the idea of funding the Pathways Alliance through the Canada Growth Fund. In some of the English‑language articles that I read, you seemed open to this mechanism as well. If you tell me clearly that this isn't the case, I'll take your word for it. I'm not a Conservative, so I won't argue with you.
Are you prepared to clearly rule out the idea of funding the Pathways Alliance through the Canada Growth Fund?
This past week, Paper Excellence admitted to European anti-monopoly regulators that, in fact, they are Asia Pulp & Paper.
There was a huge public track record identifying the connection among Paper Excellence, Asia Pulp & Paper and Sinar Mas, from Shanghai. However, your officials, your government, came and told us that you couldn't find any connection whatsoever.
Did they just play you guys for suckers?
As I say, certainly some of the information that you stated, and that is in the public media in terms of the behaviour of this particular company, is concerning.
The government, through the Investment Canada Act review, obtained a number of different commitments on the part of the company before any decision was made on the basis of a net benefit to Canada. Of course, the government will monitor, and is monitoring, those kinds of conditions that were actually imposed on the company.
However, in terms of a detailed response with respect to a lot of these issues, I encourage you to invite the to come and answer your questions.
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Minister, your claims that it will create jobs and increase production make absolutely no sense. After nine years, your government has left Canada completely landlocked and dependent on one customer, the United States, which is now our biggest competitor.
Within five years, Canada will be completely out of pipeline capacity. Therefore, production will be cut. Therefore, oil and gas workers will lose jobs. Therefore, a priority group among them, which will be hurt the most, will be indigenous workers in oil and gas. It is deeply alarming that Canada's natural resources minister seems to have no clue about that.
I guess, then, you don't really care that Dale Swampy from the National Coalition of Chiefs says, “If the federal government continues on its path with a 'just transition'”—with Bill , which you know will kill 170,000 oil and gas jobs immediately because your own memos told you so—“an emissions cap”—which is a productions cap—“and other crippling legislation [it will cause] an energy crisis that will have catastrophic effects on our people, especially those living on reserves across this country.”
Shame on you.
Let's talk about LNG, because, of course, you and your government seem to be the only people in the world who think there's no business case for Canadian LNG.
How many countries, Minister, have asked for LNG from Canada?
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The answer is that seven countries have asked for LNG from Canada: Germany, Poland, Japan, Ukraine, South Korea, Greece and Latvia. Your and your government said that there is no business case, so, in fact, Canada is exporting zero LNG right now.
However, in the exact same time that you guys have been in government, the U.S., of course, has skyrocketed ahead to export LNG. Then the Biden administration announced a pause. You still dithered and delayed and roadblocked Canadian LNG out of Canada. Mexico went to race ahead. Now, in addition to the tariffs that Trump is threatening on Canada, he has also said that they are going to ramp up exporting LNG again.
How on earth, Minister, can you justify your anti-development and anti-energy policy that sent half a trillion dollars in businesses and investment from Canada to the United States and that creates jobs, builds critical infrastructure and helps exports from the United States while landlocking Canada, killing our GDP, doubling housing costs, doubling food bank usage, skyrocketing the costs of all essentials and killing Canadian jobs?
Minister, I was pleased to hear you mention critical minerals funding in your opening remarks.
Last week, I met with the Mining Association of Canada, and they highlighted the importance of de-risking Canadian critical minerals projects through a lot of our tax credits, such as the critical minerals exploration tax credit, the clean technology manufacturing investment tax credit and the mineral exploration tax credit. They specifically talked about their members' frustrations with the obstruction in the House of Commons that's happening right now, holding up these tax credits. I told them I would speak with you about their concerns at the first available opportunity, so here I am, asking you what the consequences are to the sector and Canada's economic growth, as well as overall, if these tax credits continue to be held up?
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Yes. As you folks know very well from conversations here, the Canadian Sustainable Jobs Act is a pretty straightforward piece of legislation that received a lot of support from industry and workers. It is to bring workers and industry to the table, along with government and indigenous organizations, to see how we can grow the economy and build a clean economy for the future, creating sustainable jobs in every province and territory in this country.
The money in here is to stand up a secretariat that will do a lot of the administrative work, and a council, which will have labour, industry, indigenous and environmental representatives to help provide advice to the Government of Canada. It is extremely important, and we need to be moving forward.
Again, the obstruction of the Conservative Party of Canada is delaying work getting done and wasting millions of dollars.
I will also make an appeal to the . This was a bill Mr. Angus worked very hard on. He was an important part of it. My appeal is for the NDP leader to stand with workers and listen to them. They want to get this done.
I'll come back to the Canada Growth Fund. Your earlier response didn't make sense to me. I'll explain why.
When you launched the clean electricity strategy, kindly sent me a presentation that you were using. It talks about the government's ambitious plan set out in the 2023 budget. It describes a figure of $40 billion and provides a type of breakdown. It refers to investment tax credits for hydrogen and carbon capture. It also refers to $10 billion for the Canada Infrastructure Bank and $3 billion for a renewable energy program. The $40 billion figure also includes $15 billion for the Canada Growth Fund.
This means that, in a way, the government must step in. For example, the Canada Growth Fund couldn't decide to invest in the forestry industry. If that were the case, it wouldn't pertain to the presentation in front of me. I also assume that, if the Canada Growth Fund had to decide whether to invest in energy‑related strategies, it would turn to you, since you're the Minister of Energy and Natural Resources.
I'll repeat my question. Will the $15 billion from the Canada Growth Fund be used to support the Pathways Alliance?
It's always great having you here, Minister.
We've spoken many times about critical mineral projects that are ready to go ahead and other ones that will never go ahead. The difference is going to be on consultation and indigenous consent.
The BC First Nations Energy and Mining Council are really trying to work this through. They have a great plan here. They have 50 recommendations, but they tell me that they're frustrated. They say that the government's willing to talk about only two, and they feel that they're on the sidelines.
You have the ability to unlock these keys to get these doors open. Are you going to meet with them? Are you going to listen to indigenous issues on consent, cumulative impacts on the land and impacts on traditional ways of life? They have to be part of the discussion if we're going to get these projects off the ground.
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I couldn't agree with you more.
If they have been endeavouring to contact me, I'm not aware of it, but I'm happy to meet with them.
They sit as an active member of the regional energy and resource table, which, in British Columbia, is a fully trilateral table that includes the forestry council and the energy and mining council. As you know, there are some first nations that are very welcoming of mining and much more used to it. The Tahltan, for example, have done a number of deals.
Certainly, yes, absolutely, I'd be very happy to meet with them.
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We certainly were aware of the DOD investment. In fact, we work quite closely with the DOD on that.
You may have seen that I was in that region just a couple of weeks before that, announcing money from the Government of Canada. The DOD money was in addition to money that the Government of Canada has put in.
Certainly, yes, we are gaming out all kinds of things in terms of how we move this forward. It's in terms of our relationship with the U.S., but it's also in terms of how we continue to supply others like the Japanese, who are making investments in Canada. The French have a fund to invest in Canada, and the U.K. is increasingly interested in doing that. Yes, we are doing that.
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Minister, it is wild, of course, given that the former Conservative government got a softwood lumber deal done within months and actually, in fact, right before you took over, got an extension done.
The committee next door is actually doing a study on softwood lumber, so since you don't seem to have anything to say to the workers who are losing their jobs, let me tell you what they're actually saying.
The United Steelworkers says the impact of the last eight years has been “far-reaching, wide and...devastating”. In terms of our sector—steelworkers—“2,500 to 3,000...jobs have been impacted”. They say they haven't been feeling that softwood lumber is a priority for your government.
Groupe Lebel says that since hearing news on the tariffs, they looked at their client base and what they thought was acceptable to them. Guess what? Just as is the pattern of your government of driving money, jobs and businesses into the United States at the expense of Canadians, they say American clients are 50% of their business, and, if things don't work out on the market side, they could lose much of that. For their company alone, Groupe Lebel, 800 workers could be affected by these tariffs.
What are you actually going to do, and, really, what do you have to say to all the Canadians and to our entire country, which you have made so vulnerable to the United States?
Welcome, Minister.
Let's talk about something that's important, and it is within the estimates.
This committee has undertaken a very comprehensive study on the Trans Mountain expansion. We just finished hearing from witnesses. As I was looking at the supplementary estimates (B), I was quite surprised to hear that the measure that keeps communities safe, especially indigenous communities, along the route of the project, the indigenous advisory and monitoring committee, is actually at risk.
Can you speak to that and indicate what this funding is and what it's estimated for?
Once again, welcome to the officials, and thank you for staying back.
I asked the about one of the studies we're doing. There is another study we completed. We're going to start drafting the report. It's one on the future of Canada's electricity grid. What we heard is that there is a 25-year road map and $2 trillion to $3 trillion in investment. We also heard that various jurisdictions and provinces will be looking at different energy mixes. It's going to be a combination of a renewable energy project and a clean energy project. This is a cornerstone clean energy project in Ontario, where I'm from. It's going to be nuclear power and nuclear energy.
I wonder if you could expand on what the government is doing to support nuclear energy, both within Canada, across jurisdictions that see fit to do so, and internationally.
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That's a very interesting question.
Certainly, we're starting to see more trends of private industry looking at developing their own energy sources, electricity sources, whereby they can source their own industrial processes, decarbonize their industrial processes and also be able to give back to the grid. There's talk, for example, of small modular reactors being used in more industrial settings.
The Saskatchewan Research Council is experimenting with a microreactor, as you referenced, for example, as potential technology that could be deployed more readily in those kinds of settings.
The department, Natural Resources Canada, through its energy innovation program, is funding work in geothermal, for example, to try to develop that technology and show how it can be used. There may be potential in that as well.
I think that's a really interesting concept—how you can both decarbonize industrial processes and also contribute to the grid.
I recall that the hydrogen strategy that you tabled four years ago identified a potential market of $11,000 billion. I touched on this with the minister earlier. However, in April, Natural Resources Canada changed its mind and said that the potential was actually $2,000 billion. When you're establishing a broad industrial strategy, I suppose that seeing that potential reduced by 80% changes many things.
You and I both know that there were meant to be tax credits for hydrogen production. You may also have kept track of the development of Bill and everything that ensued.
These days, I get the impression that the hydrogen bubble is deflating. I wonder whether the department has reviewed the strategy and the financial support that this sector should receive.
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You're right. Back in 2020, the government did publish an initial hydrogen strategy for the country. As you can appreciate, this is a new industry that is developing globally, and its development is certainly not linear.
Just a few months ago, we published a progress report. You're right that the forecasts in that report have been revised significantly, partially in response to market developments, but also there were changes in terms of the methodology used.
In terms of the potential for hydrogen, we see continued potential as a low-carbon pathway as part of the energy transition. There's significant potential, for instance, for hydrogen to help decarbonize hard-to-abate sectors, notably heavy transport, for instance.
Our forecasts would indicate there are projects in development that are worth up to $100 billion across the country. The potential of hydrogen, I think, is also supported by the IEA's most recent WEO study, which also indicates that it will be an important pathway to the energy transition.
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Even McKinsey, a firm that I don't particularly like, thinks that the hydrogen sector's potential is 70% lower than originally estimated.
Yet a number of people have sounded the alarm. I spoke with people from the Institut de l'énergie Trottier. They were already telling us, in 2021 or 2022, that hydrogen was a bubble and that there wouldn't be any market for this fuel. It cost too much to produce and the market development seemed shaky.
The federal government now has a whole hydrogen strategy and is spending money on it. Yet when I look at the current literature on hydrogen, I can see that the market doesn't exist.
Are you planning to reassess your strategies? I don't think that it would be wise to let developers believe that they can count on funding to develop hydrogen projects. We know full well that these projects will never come to fruition given the non‑existent market and excessive productions costs.
Does the department have a strategy for reviewing the mechanisms and directions for government financial support given that the hydrogen bubble is slowly deflating?
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Thank you for the follow-up.
There are a number of different aspects, I think, involved in terms of the development of the hydrogen sector and different ways or methods in terms of creating low-carbon hydrogen.
You're right, to the extent that we're developing supply chains globally, particularly to address what the market typically calls “green hydrogen”. We have a number of projects that are under development on Canada's Atlantic coast that would, or that are preparing to, supply markets in Europe, notably with Germany. We're currently negotiating a co-financing window with Germany.
That continues to advance apace, although, as I said, there's complexity in terms of the supply chains and making sure we're ready to ship the hydrogen from our shores and Germany, for instance, is ready to receive. There are a number of moving parts, but there is a real commitment on behalf of government and industry to make that happen.
On Canada's west coast, we're looking at developing hydrogen from natural gas stocks. The economics of that market are very different. We feel that Canada can be very competitive in that market and in fact are looking to pursue export opportunities in Asia, notably Japan and South Korea, which—
Again, I'll say my frustration.... When it comes to whatever big oil wants, on carbon capture they were all pronouncing for clean energy. We're still waiting, but that's not your responsibility. That's for the elected officials.
I'm concerned about the critical minerals tax credit, because what I've been told by people in the industry is that you need a 90%. That's the threshold. Ore bodies don't exist in isolation. Critical minerals are usually found in base metal deposits. You're going to have copper. You're going to have zinc. You're going to have a whole variety of ore that you're going to go to.
The benefit of all of that is that some of those ores are going to pay your freight to make your mine operable. At a 90% threshold, many of our critical mineral deposits are not going to be eligible for the tax credit.
One of the other things that were raised—and God forgive me for ever saying that some big companies should get government money when they should be paying for it themselves—is that we have many projects that will take years to go through permitting, but we have other projects that are on sites, in traditional mining areas, where we have the ore bodies. Getting environmental licences in first nations is going to be pretty straightforward, but the costs are going to be in the development mining, shaft sinking and drift mining. That's expensive, and that is something I think companies should pay for themselves. However, in order to get us into the game, has there been discussion about a window of tax credits to kick-start things in certain areas? For example, in Thompson, Manitoba, there are deposits that would run that community for another 40 years. It would be a benefit that would pay back. Have you looked at whether or not to give a two-, three- or four-year window for companies to access that, so that we're getting these minerals to put into the economy now?
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We've made really significant progress since the commissioner did his study of the program. Right now, we have agreements in place or under negotiation to plant 716 million trees. That's nearly triple what it was a year ago. There's been a lot of progress.
We have about 200 agreements. In the first three years of the program, partners planted 157 million trees toward the target of 2 billion. That includes trees planted under the low-carbon economy fund and the 2 billion trees program. We've co-developed an indigenous funding stream. We're exceeding targets in the federal and urban streams. We're at nearly half in the indigenous stream and the private lands stream. We have agreements with nearly every province and territory across the country. There's a lot of great progress.
It is an ambitious goal, though, and there are lots of challenges in ramping up supply chains and working through partners. Provinces and territories have to find their matching funds, as do other kinds of partners, as well as the land to plant. We've had some really challenging fire seasons that overlapped with planting season. There are a lot of complications that run into a very complex supply chain.
We're making really good progress, in my view, and we're committed to the goal.
To date, we've announced over $288 million in funding to support 59 critical minerals projects under the strategy. I note for the committee the critical minerals infrastructure fund, which was opened earlier in 2024. We're now starting to advance projects and agreements under it. This includes $182 million in conditionally-approved contribution funding for 14 different projects.
What's really important about these is creating the enabling infrastructure to open up mining regions and mining areas—in northwestern British Columbia, for example, and in Ontario, in the Sudbury, Timmins and Thunder Bay areas. It's important to open up those areas further for mining activity and to create that really important enabling infrastructure.
With our colleagues who run the strategic innovation fund, we need to look at supporting projects on the processing side, the value-added side, for example. There is a Vale project in Quebec that has now received funding to advance on producing nickel sulfate in Canada. It's trying to build that supply chain in the country, which is really important, as you know.
I would like to briefly discuss the 2 billion trees program.
Initially, I gathered that the program wasn't working because of concerns that the trees would be harvested. These concerns were perhaps more prevalent at Global Affairs Canada than in your department.
I know that negotiations are currently under way with the Quebec government and that this hurdle may have been avoided. However, I want to hear your thoughts on this. It seems rather nonsensical that people are worried about planting trees because they want to avoid violating current trade agreements, when they know full well that it will take 70 years for these trees to be ready for harvesting. I don't know about you. I personally believe that, in 70 years, our trade agreements will look inherently different from today's agreements.
I would like you to confirm or deny the following. Has the tree‑planting program been delayed because of a minor dispute with Global Affairs Canada, which expressed concern that some of the planted trees might be harvested?
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Thank you for the question.
[English]
No, I'm not aware of any major concerns from Global Affairs. I think what's been challenging with the program has been the ramping up of such a complex supply chain, and working with partners. That's why we've been focusing on those areas, to get long-term agreements to ramp up the production that's needed, and to ramp up the planting through those long-term agreements.
I can speak to the question about trees being harvested. You're right; in most regions of the country, trees aren't harvested for a minimum of 60 to 70 years. What we're looking at, however, is making sure that the trees that are planted are incremental to normal activities and to any regulatory requirements. In doing so, we're making sure that we're permanently increasing forest cover and getting those long-term benefits.
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Yes, I totally understand, and tree life is much longer than we tend to exist as politicians.
I guess one of the complexities is that, again, so much of this is under the province and, in Ontario, the province puts it under the various forestry alliances. In my region, the Abitibi forest alliance and the Timiskaming Forest Alliance do the planning of the forest.
Are you doing this on Crown land, provincial land or private lands? Who are your partners? How do you do this? Are you hiring tree planters, those hippie kids coming up from Guelph in the summer? Are they working for the feds? How does this happen?
:
Your was at the announcement, so I think it's relevant how many of these people are...because you fund some of the organizations that give this input.
Can you tell us if anybody, of all these organizations that gave input here, are NGOs, environmental NGOs, that have misled your department so far, including on the hydrogen study, where they overestimated even the Department of Environment's impact on the decarbonization associated with hydrogen by a factor of 3:1 in the initial report but now by a factor of 21:1, so 14% of the Department of the Environment's study but three times that.
What I'm suggesting here is that you're basing your input on organizations that are paid by you that have provided you with nothing of any substance so far.
:
Let me quote the commissioner of the environment and sustainable development on some of his input on what you've accomplished so far with these organizations, because he presented this to Parliament just a couple of weeks ago.
He says, “a lack of reliability in projections hindered the credibility of the plan.” In fact, the recent decreases to projected 2030 emissions were not due to climate actions taken by governments but were, instead, because of revisions to the data or methods used in modelling.
In short, you're spending a lot of money in all these programs, including the 2 billion trees program, and you're accomplishing absolutely nothing. You're just monkeying around with the numbers. These are the organizations that your department and the Department of Environment are funding to give you false data points. Do you understand my question now?
:
Thank you very much, Chair. I'd like to add my thanks to our witnesses and department officials for being here.
I think I'm going to continue with the line of questioning on the 2 billion trees program.
Contrary to my Conservative colleague, I have seen the fruits of this program right here in my community of Vaudreuil-Soulanges, with over 10,000 trees being planted by the City of Vaudreuil-Dorion, which received half of the funding through the program. They covered the other half. In response to some of the questions from opposition members, the trees were actually planted by the city officials themselves—by the city.
Along those lines, I'm wondering if you could perhaps elaborate on the split between rural and urban tree planting. How effective is our push to get those trees planted in urban settings?
Would you be able to share that information with the committee? I'd actually love to see a bit more about that program with the Canadian Federation of Municipalities. Perhaps I'll even share it with some of the municipalities in my community of Vaudreuil-Soulanges.
I agree with you a hundred per cent. The benefits of planting trees in urban settings are incredible. We're experiencing that already in my community of Vaudreuil-Soulanges, where we've experienced significant urban sprawl over the last 10 years. We're looking to recapture some of the green spaces that have unfortunately been taken over by development, restore some of those green spaces where people can go to get more temperate temperatures, and ensure that we have cleaner air in our community. It's been very successful.
I have only two minutes left, and the chair is probably going to cut me off—
:
Thanks very much. I'll try to be quick.
In the first two years, I believe, of the program, 20% of the projects had an indigenous lead. There's a lot of interest in the program.
We also co-developed an indigenous funding stream with a distinctions-based approach, whereby we're working with first nations and Métis groups to work on their priorities and objectives in terms of tree planting. One example we have is Nekoté Limited, which is planting trees to restore fire-damaged lands in Manitoba.
There are examples across the country of the excellent work that indigenous groups are doing in terms of planting through the program.