Thank you so much, Mr. Chair. It's a pleasure and honour to appear before this committee.
[Translation]
I would like to thank the members of the committee for giving me an opportunity to discuss a very important issue—the way in which federal leaders' debates are organized in Canada.
[English]
I would like to thank the members around the table for their in-depth study of such an important part of Canadian democracy. I've read the report tabled by this committee with great attention.
[Translation]
Thank you for your excellent work.
[English]
As some of you may know, safeguarding the health of Canadian democracy is a lifelong commitment and passion of mine. It's for this reason that I intend on donating to charity any compensation associated with the functions of the debates commissioner.
[Translation]
I see this entity as a step in the right direction in our ongoing efforts to safeguard Canada's democratic institutions.
[English]
As such, I'm honoured to be considered to lead these efforts, and to work with political parties, stakeholders and media organizations to deliver Canadians the debates they deserve. Having moderated federal leaders debates in 1979 and 1984 and Ontario provincial debates in 1987, I recognize the essential role they play in exposing Canadians to a diversity of political views, including positions that do not always align with their own.
On a personal level, I have always been one to appreciate the political process and the role the media play in a healthy democracy. As commissioner, my priority would be to establish an open and transparent dialogue with Canadians, political parties, media and stakeholders.
I firmly believe that the success of the 2019 debates will rest on the ability of the commission to keep the public interest paramount, while remaining independent and non-partisan.
Members, I look forward to hearing your views on what makes a debate informative and useful for Canadians. I also welcome your thoughts on the composition of an advisory board that reflects a varied repertoire of skills and expertise.
[Translation]
Lastly, I would like to hear your views on who should be consulted.
[English]
A healthy democracy is one that is stable, transparent and oriented toward the public interest. These are the values that should guide the organization of leaders debates, and the ones I intend to carry along this process.
I look forward to working with all of you with a view to reporting back to Parliament in 2020 with recommendations based on the 2019 experience that will benefit and inform the future of leaders debates in Canada.
I'm happy to answer any questions you may have.
[Translation]
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
:
It's interesting that you gave that instruction just before I spoke. It was noted.
An hon. member: It's just a coincidence.
Mr. David Christopherson: It's Mr. Reid's fault.
Thank you, Chair.
Your Excellency, thank you so much for being here.
I don't know if you're aware, but there are some of us who have some problems with the process and we'll be addressing that in due course.
If I may, in my view, we' have this a bit backwards. We've put the cart in front of the horse. We should be having the policy that the government was proposing first, nail that down, and get legitimacy and buy-in from at least two of the three parties—we've moved from unanimity to at least that as the bare minimum—and then proceed to who.
However, I'm quite prepared to leap ahead to the extent that if the government decides to try to legitimize this process—and I'm going to offer a suggestion in a moment as to who—I certainly would be not just comfortable, sir, with you being there but I think you would do us a great service and a great honour.
You are the gold standard of public service and I can't imagine any position for which you wouldn't be eminently qualified to represent Canadians and bring that fairness and values, and your integrity and your intelligence, your experience, to bear. I can't emphasize enough, sir, that any of my comments that are negative are addressed to the process, to the government, to everything except you.
I have the highest regard for you, as does my caucus, and if at the end of the day, you end up being the debates commissioner, we as a country would be well served.
Part of our difficulty, sir, is...and I'm mindful of what you said, Chair, so I'm going to do my very best to stay within the confines while recognizing the latitude that members have, especially on PROC.
Right from the get-go, sir, my worry...and I'm not smart enough to play hidden politics. I just put it right on the table. My concern is, number one, the whole idea that there needed to be a debates commissioner was because one of the major party leaders, who will remain nameless right now, played games and refused to commit to national debates which meant that we didn't have a fulsome, democratic process that included the kinds of debates Canadians need and should have. The idea was that we have to make sure that doesn't happen again.
It was always kind of a slapdash process, reinvented each time as to who made the call, who made the decision. It made a great deal of sense that we do this. Unfortunately, sir, the government has mismanaged every aspect of democratic reform to the point where now we're left with the government saying that they didn't have enough time to bring this in by way of legislation.
Sir, I just want you to know that's not our fault. We don't set the legislative agenda. The government does that. One of the first things that we recommended.... I'll tell you what's really annoying me, Chair. It's that the government keeps saying, “We just followed the policies. We just followed the policies of the committee.” No, they didn't.
One of the key recommendations we made was that there should be unanimity around the choice of the commissioner. Falling back on this idea that the government decides who the possibilities are and presents a final candidate and we get to say yes or a no, and the government tries to call that consultation is insulting in this day and age. That's exactly what happened.
The day before this policy was announced publicly, the minister met with and me. I won't divulge the actual discussion. That wouldn't be appropriate. However, it's fair to say the purpose of the meeting was to brief us on what it was going to be. It was an edict from on high. I will say this because I've said it before publicly. I said to the minister, “This should be a consultation not a briefing.” She said, “Once you hear who the candidate is, you'll be fine.” As I've explained, there's a complete separation between that and the legitimacy of this process.
First of all, there was supposed to be unanimous agreement on the commissioner. That was ignored. There were key aspects of questions of who got to participate in the debates. As my friend, Mr. Reid, has pointed out, it was very contentious and we couldn't come to an agreement and we didn't try to because we felt that decision ultimately should be made at arm's length from us. Right or wrong, that was our collective interpretation.
Chair, I want to emphasize, we spent a lot of time on this report. While it may not have had the unanimity of all the parties, there was a great deal of debate and discussion. Even when one of the parties said that I was offside on this, it would still participate to try to make it better. We had that collegiality—you continue to do an excellent job as the chair of this committee in bringing that out—and we did a lot of hard work. If anybody wants to say that this is some kind of a political hack job or a joke, or that it doesn't matter, speak up now. I remember how hard I worked, how hard Mr. Nater worked and how hard you worked, Chair. We put a lot of heart and soul into this.
Then the government comes along because of its own mismanagement of its files—it didn't have enough time to do it properly—and expects that somehow the debate process in Canada is decided by one party. That's effectively what's in front of us. Let me say this, because my time is going to run out soon. All the government is doing is playing into the hands of the very party that doesn't want this debate commission by not giving legitimacy to the process. The lack of thought and political thought and process into this is just mind-boggling given that the government's been in office for a number of years now.
My last point is this, Mr. Chair. I would strongly recommend to get this fixed. I don't need a headline, a quote or a clip because I'm not running again, but what I want is to fix our debates and to make our democracy as strong as possible. So, I'm going to throw a lifeline to the government. I'm going to ask it, through you, Mr. Chair, to please submit its proposal to PROC, to allow amendments, and to see if we can find the legitimacy that at least a majority vote representing two of the three recognized parties could emerge from this committee. That, Mr. Chair, would have some legitimacy. It won't be the document that we passed, and it won't be what the government had, but it would be our collective best interest in trying to make that happen. To me, that's one way to salvage what is just an abysmal embarrassment, as well as an insult, to Parliament: that the Liberal government believes that it alone, unilaterally, can decree how the debate process is going to work, how the rules are going to be set and who does it.
Sir, sorry I had to do that in front of you, but you can appreciate.... I saw you sit back. You've been around a long time, and you know how this works. I want to end, sir, by mentioning again the respect that I have for you. If you end up being our commissioner, I would be thrilled. In fact, if you end up in any role representing Canada and helping our democracy, we are better off for it.
Thank you for being here today, sir.
Thank you for the floor, Mr. Chair.
I'm going to take a page out of David Christopherson's book because I love him, although he will not love what I have to say.
I'm going to quickly set out that I'm enormously grateful that the government has taken the bull by the horns and set a debates commission process with firm criteria in advance, because I think we're debating this.... There's no question that it would be much better if all parties.... I'd take out the words “all recognized parties” because the recognized parties, frankly, have been manipulating the debates process for years to exclude anyone but the recognized parties.
There's no ill intention toward you, darling, but honestly, the debates process is one that, viewed by any impartial observer, brings democracy into disrepute.
You have collusion and backroom dealings. The media consortium worked so hard, but not only did they have Mr. Harper threatening not to participate in debates, but the last time around both Mr. Mulcair and Mr. Harper got the English language leaders debate cancelled. So 11 million Canadians who watched the simultaneous English-language leaders debate in 2011 were deprived of that opportunity in 2015, and also the women's debate. Then we had this scattering of other debates, which I believe were put in place specifically to draw attention away from the fact that we'd just lost the nationally broadcast English-language leaders debate.
The problem is that we're looking at this process and saying it's flawed, and I won't say it's perfect, but in comparison to the status quo, it's a huge improvement. I'll give you two reasons why, and for supporting documentation one could look up the article that Tony Burman wrote. He had been chair of the consortium with CBC during the 2008 leaders debate and wrote about how fraught it was, how anti-democratic, how absurd it was to have all this behind closed doors with the threats from different leaders. Also, Andrew Coyne has written very brilliantly on the problem. Andrew Coyne's analogy is that it's like Chrysler, GM and Ford getting together with the TV networks and saying, “Okay, we all agree: no TV ads for Toyota.”
That's how unfair, indiscriminate and anti-democratic it has been until now. I do sense that there's a lot of effort to discredit this effort being made from the very same people who never wanted to see it broadened beyond the large parties.
So I wanted to be very, very up front in saying I welcome this effort. One of the key benefits is that, when the media consortium had the fairly thankless task—and I don't blame the media consortium for any of this.... But the problem is that, when the media news directors are making a key decision for democracy, their own reporters have a very difficult time reporting on what's going on. In fact, they can't.
My hope is that with an independent debates commission, with a qualified debates commissioner, with transparency, the news media won't be shut out from reporting on what's going on, because as far as I recall, there was never a news story in the 2015 election about how interesting it was that two federal party leaders—one of them the standing prime minister—had managed to get the debates cancelled.
Let me say that I welcome a predictable, transparent process on which the media can be informed to report on what's happening. I see the biggest risk here—before I move to your qualifications, sir—being a lack of sufficient buy-in from the larger parties and a lack of sufficient buy-in from the consortium members.
My advice, humbly, respectfully submitted, is that you have seven positions for an advisory board and you should fill them with CTV, CBC, Global, TVA and Radio-Canada—they ran the debates from the 1960s until now—and I would add TVO and CPAC. Let those be your advisers, because as soon as possible, we need their commitment that they will broadcast. There's no commitment now to broadcast the debates that the debate commission produces, and that needs to be very clear early on.
I welcome this. I say hallelujah to the criteria because they work for the Bloc Québécois; they work in fairness for parties like mine, and I think they'll probably end up working for and the People's Party, but we shall see.
I would ask you just one question, if you'd like to reflect on it. In your long and illustrious career, you haven't mentioned one particular role you had that I think has application to this, and that's when you were the founding chair of the National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy from 1988 to 1990, with lots of disparate groups and multi-stakeholder engagement. Do you think that has any application to the new role that I hope you will be assuming?
Thank you.
:
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I appreciate those comments.
Thank you, sir, for joining us. In my riding of Perth—Wellington with the city of Stratford, we appreciate your efforts while you were president of the University of Waterloo to establish the Stratford campus in our community. It is much appreciated and reflects a lot of your background in digital technology, which leads me to my first question.
Given your academic background, I would note that on your coat of arms you have a binary code, which I think is appropriate given your background, and it leads me to my question.
I have to disagree a little bit with Ms. May in terms of having major broadcasters form the advisory panel. From my perspective as a millennial, I don't have cable at home. I don't have satellite. I don't rely on television as a source of news. More than half of my generation relies on digital communications and online platforms. I'd be curious, given your extensive academic background, how you would go about ensuring that my generation and those younger than I am.... At age 34, I almost feel old compared to new voters aged 18. Mr. Christopherson says, “Get used to it.”
How would you go about ensuring, using your background, that our generation and those younger than I am have the opportunity to engage in debates?
:
Reach out, reach out. My grandmother used to say, “You have two ears, two eyes and only one mouth for a reason. Listen, watch and then maybe speak.”
Sometimes people think it's trite, but it's very meaningful to me that all the important things in life I have learned from my children and now from my grandchildren. It's not that they provide all the content of what you know or what you're relearning, but they view life from a different angle. For me, that's been a very important mindset. I write about this kind of thing.
You mentioned a coat of arms that has pluses and minuses at the bottom. That was to indicate my interest in technology and learning, but there was some fun with the media when that was released. They thought it was a secret da Vinci code message, and we'll just leave that as an open question. Maybe people will try to find the hidden message there.
The first book I wrote as a young lawyer was Computers and Law. That was in 1967, a long time ago. I was very interested in how technology, which is a rapidly changing and advancing force, was impacting on very traditional norms and conventions of the law that tend to look backward, and how we deal with that tension. I continue to write books in that area, communication law, cyber-law and so on.
What has happened in my professional lifetime, thinking about this and trying to listen a lot and write a little bit, is that the acceleration has been geometrical. It's that kind of curve, and the capacity of the human intelligence to adapt to it and adjust to it is like that, and we're dealing with this huge gap. What do you do? You don't throw up your hands in disgust, but you try to learn and listen to new ways and be sure, as you find moorings and find your way, that you are not shutting yourself off from new ideas, especially those that aren't in your head because you're a generation or two older.
:
One very specific one was as a moderator. I used to do a lot of labour arbitration and conciliation and served as a commissioner of the Ontario Securities Commission. You're always trying to be extremely balanced, measured and follow a fairly clear set of rules with no deviation. Of course, the broadcasters wanted a free-for-all. If they could get a shouting match and a real tangle, that would be great.
That was a very interesting tension, and I had a video screen on my desk where I was getting instructions from the people who were managing the debate in the rooms beyond, and I had to ignore them because their interests were...they would say as lively as possible, and I would say as disorderly as possible. That's a very interesting tension, and you see various formats where I'd find it unattractive when people are shouting across at one another and would try to avoid that, and other people would find that interesting. That's a very specific comment.
You have to adjust with the times. You have to realize that we use media in a very different way from how we did back in 1979 and 1984, but you take advice from a range of people on what makes for a really informative debate, one that engages the public interest, one that permits the parties' policies to emerge with a degree of clarity, and one can make judgments about the leadership characteristics of the different people who appear in those debates. You try to get into that as far as you can, and as far away as possible from very superficial, emotional reactions that occur from place to place.
I worry an awful lot about what happens with the debates. Do they mean anything to Canadians? How do we get at truth at a time when what are verifiable facts and what are ideological ideas get bandied about a little. Study very carefully how you use the debates as just one part of a large process of first, informing the public broadly, but second, engaging the public broadly, and third, engaging the young. I spent my whole life in universities. I think I did because I find young people so interesting. I think that's a great challenge for us as Canadians. How do we engage young people in saying this is important, and they want to participate in it?
Those are rambling comments.
:
First, we have to work at it and we have to realize we're a country from coast to coast to coast.
Second, I was so struck in the first year of my time in office—in the first year, you visit the 13 different capitals of the country. We were in Yellowknife, and in the legislative assembly there they have 12 official languages. People say, “Twelve official languages—how on earth can you make a country like that work?” It does work. It's Canada. It works very much.
Third, at one of the Governor General's innovation awards last year—this will be its fourth year—there was a marvellous professor at the University of Montreal who had taken some of the less-known indigenous languages, particularly in the north, because of the very small number of people, and by recording them and then using very sophisticated software, was able to develop the vocabulary, the grammar, and actually put it into a teachable form. It's fascinating that this innovation has occurred.
Finally, this is a very personal thing, but it's how we reach the north. The Rideau Hall Foundation, which I chair and which we set up in 2012 to be able to amplify the outreach of the Office of the Governor General, administers the Arctic Inspiration Prize. That's $60 million by two immigrants to Canada who have left their life savings to produce $3 million or $3.5 million a year to promote projects in the north, by the northerners for northerners. We've had four years of it now, and it's one $1 million prize, two $500,000 prizes, and then, typically, seven or eight prizes of $100,000 or less, usually led by young people who are still in the early stages.... Each year at least one of those, maybe two, would have to do with languages and culture. Those are important things in developing a much greater sense of the richness of the languages in our north and preserving them and making them used.
:
You have three questions there.
I had a telephone conversation with the Prime Minister's Office and then had two conversations with Minister . That is point one.
Point two, somewhere in that process I saw the draft mandate as written and it looked to me to be clear. I was very appreciative of that and also very appreciative of the report of your committee, which I thought was a first-class piece of work, plus the testimonies behind that, and then the sondage or the consultation effort that was done by the Institute for Research on Public Policy.
I've been involved in a number of public inquiries and commissions—25 or so over 40 or 50 years. What was particularly interesting and attractive to me is how far down the road you had gone to refine the questions and prepare a mandate. As my friend David Christopherson indicates, of course, there is controversy about that, but if you look at that particular controversy, it's very comforting to be considered for this position—it's “if”, as I'm not named and I'm simply a nominee at this stage—and to know that you have a fairly refined set of activities. You know what you have to do. You also know what it is that you have to make some judgments on and how you go about that. For lawyers, who are always looking for a degree of certainty, that's very comforting.
With respect to the third question, which had to do with whether I was aware of other folks, no, there was no discussion of that. I was asked if I would do it, and my answer was that I've spent my whole life in public life and I've always said yes to those questions, save for when I don't have the skill set or don't have the time. On a few occasions in my past, I've said that I really don't have the skill set—and there's often been an argument about that—or I've said that I don't have the time as I'm a general manager of a university, which is a full-time job. How much time can you carve out? If you can carve it out, you do it, but if you say that you can't do the job properly, then you don't.
That was my response. I don't know what other things were considered.
I'm sorry for the length of that.