Good afternoon, everyone. Thank you for inviting me to be here today. I believe it's my second appearance before the House Standing Committee on Fisheries and Oceans to talk about important fisheries issues.
With me I have Claire Dansereau, the Deputy Minister of Fisheries and Oceans; Dave Balfour, the Senior Acting Assistant Deputy Minister; and Guy Beaupré, the Acting Associate Assistant Deputy Minister--quite a title.
As you know, I will be with you for a period of one hour. I believe my officials can stay longer than that, if you so wish. I will begin by giving a short statement.
First of all, I want to welcome the opportunity to outline why my department and our government support amendments to the 1978 Convention on Future Multilateral Cooperation in the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries, also known as the NAFO convention. These amendments are good for Canada and good for Canada's fishing industry, and I believe they deserve our support.
As you know, achieving sustainable and responsible fisheries is a complex challenge. Through foresight and hard work, Canada is now a leader in shaping global conservation efforts. We are collaborating with provincial governments, with industry, and with our international partners to heighten global awareness about the need to ensure conservation-based harvesting in all fisheries.
Our paramount objective is to curb overfishing. We want to ensure that sustainable fisheries are there for generations to come.
One of the most effective ways to achieve this is by taking part in a regional fisheries management organization, an RFMO such as the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries Organization, known as NAFO. It's clear that no single jurisdiction can succeed alone in stopping the practice of overfishing. NAFO and other organizations like it offer a unique forum to influence others, assertively represent Canada's interests, and forge cooperative alliances that allow us to advance them.
We have achieved a remarkable degree of success over the last few years in managing our fisheries resources through these collaborative efforts.
In September my officials had a very productive meeting in Norway. They achieved important results for Canada. These include 11 closures in the NAFO regulatory area to protect corals and sponges from bottom fishing.
I would like to assure this committee that all decisions at this year's NAFO meeting were within scientific advice. These also include NAFO adopting Canadian proposals for strict bycatch provisions and other precautionary measures to ensure the reopenings of 3M cod on the Flemish Cap, outside of Canada's 200-mile limit, and redfish in division 3LN, which is on the southern Grand Banks, and also to ensure that they are carried out responsibly.
These reopenings are a significant milestone since they came a decade after these stocks were placed under moratorium. Canada, through its participation in NAFO, played a central role in enforcing the moratorium and fostering the recovery of these stocks.
For Greenland halibut, the total allowable catch was maintained at 16,000 tonnes for one year. This will be reviewed in 2010 with additional information. This fishery is worth $25 million to the Newfoundland economy.
These accomplishments build on many others in recent years. Canada has achieved great success in improving compliance of fishing vessels in the NAFO regulatory area, or NRA, which is outside of Canada's 200-mile limit.
In fact, since we formed the government in 2006, there have been fewer violations in the NAFO regulatory area in those four years combined than there were in 2005. This is largely due to greater enforcement and improvements to the monitoring, control, and surveillance measures adopted by NAFO in 2006.
Additional measures to further improve compliance were adopted at the 2009 NAFO meeting. There have been four serious infractions so far this year. All the vessels involved were recalled to port for additional inspections, as required by the NAFO conservation and enforcement measures. Fishery officers from my department observed these inspections. This demonstrates just how seriously NAFO contracting parties take the issue of illegal fishing on the high seas.
Through Canada's leadership, we are helping to turn NAFO into a model regional fisheries management organization. As a result of our efforts, some important straddling stock, such as yellowtail flounder, have fully recovered, and American plaice is showing signs of recovery. These fish are found both inside Canadian waters and on the high seas of NAFO's regulatory area.
Enhanced enforcement is only part of what we are accomplishing through participation in NAFO. Reform and modernization of regional fisheries management organizations like NAFO must continue so that today's challenges are met with modern solutions. That's why NAFO adopted amendments to its 1978 convention in 2007, amendments that I must emphasize are consistent with the United Nations Fisheries Agreement and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Mr. Chair, these changes were needed and welcomed by Canada. Most importantly, these changes recognize and respect Canada's sovereignty over its 200-mile limit.
Canada maintains control over its waters. No NAFO measures will be applied in Canadian waters unless Canada requests that they apply and unless Canada votes in favour of such action. This bears repeating, Mr. Chair. Canada's sovereignty is protected. There will be no NAFO measures within Canadian waters unless we ask for them and we vote for them, period. If and only if we see value in allowing foreign nations into our exclusive economic zone--in the case of a joint NAFO science expedition, for example--the project will be conducted under Canada's direction, supervision, and control. Make no mistake: we do, and we will continue, to assert Canada's interests and we will work to protect our assets. We will only agree to something if it's in the best interests of Canada and the stewardship of our resources.
So let me repeat: Canada maintains absolute control over its waters. Any suggestion to the contrary is simply ill informed and fear-mongering.
Let's also be clear about why Canada supports this new convention. First, under the old convention, any country could object to a NAFO decision and decide on a unilateral quota on its own and fish it without consequence. Under the amended convention, there are new objection procedures that require the objecting country to put alternative measures in place. There is also a dispute resolution mechanism to address such issues. These mechanisms, for the first time in NAFO's history, require all contracting parties to be held accountable for their actions.
Second, the amended convention emphasizes reaching consensus on decisions wherever possible. Only when consensus cannot be reached would a two-thirds majority voting system be used. This new voting system will help protect Canada's fishing quotas in NAFO. Any NAFO member that wishes to change the way NAFO allocates fish must obtain the support of eight of the 12 NAFO members instead of the seven that were needed before. This, in turn, protects Canada's quotas.
Under the original convention rules, NAFO's decisions were made through a simple majority vote. This often left the impression that there were only winners and losers in NAFO decisions. In some cases, it led to defiance of rules, unilateral quotas, and overfishing. These changes provide a decision-making process that better reflects the modern challenges facing NAFO members.
The successful management of fisheries in the northwest Atlantic outside our 200-mile limit requires international collaboration and is called for in international law. By bringing together decision-makers, fisheries managers, enforcement officers, and scientists, NAFO can develop effective conservation and management measures, and they can implement appropriate mechanisms to ensure compliance. I'm proud to say that Canada strongly supports these efforts and is a strong leader at the NAFO table.
As you know, Canadian industry and provincial governments, including Newfoundland and Labrador, were consulted extensively on the amended convention. They agreed that it protects Canada's interests and uses the most up-to-date decision-making and management practices. The amended convention has many advantages for Canada, because it represents a shift to an ecosystem-based approach to decision-making. This means that decisions take into account the complex interrelationships among marine species and their habitat. They also consider the impact of fishing gear on sensitive ocean habitat.
In keeping with this new approach, NAFO has led the way in recent years to protect vulnerable marine ecosystems in the regulatory area. In these times of global economic uncertainty, building fisheries that are both sustainable and economically prosperous is at the top of my department's agenda. This is why these amendments are so important. They help ensure the conservation and sustainable management of the stocks and ecosystems in the northwest Atlantic.
Working together under the NAFO banner, we have successfully engaged in a new cooperative approach to fisheries management. Our ultimate goal is to ensure sustainable fisheries through decisions based on sound scientific advice. We will continue to press for change through multilateral discussions and our strategic bilateral relations with like-minded fishing countries. When it comes to sustainable management of fisheries, Canada will always lead by example. That's why we strongly support changes to the NAFO convention.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
:
Thanks very much, Mr. Chair.
And thank you, Minister and colleagues.
You and your government assert that Canada already has custodial management of the nose and tail of the Grand Banks as well as the Flemish Cap. One would think if we really had custodial management we wouldn't need to revise NAFO at all. One would think that custodial management trumps NAFO, unless of course custodial management claims are actually quite fraudulent.
Would you explain why the Conservative government has as its official policy that it has achieved custodial management and we don't even need to actually be talking about NAFO, other than.... You say that Newfoundland and Labrador agreed to all of this at those meetings and we should take your word for it. Yet this committee has received specific documentation in writing from the Province of Newfoundland and Labrador that it certainly does not agree with any of this.
Finally, corals and sponges are now protected from bottom trawling by NAFO within its jurisdiction, in an area outside the continental shelf and into deeper waters. It is an intriguing situation on which you can show some real leadership. Consistent with that NAFO decision to ban bottom trawling to protect corals and sponges in the offshore area outside the continental shelf, since Canada has jurisdiction and management control over sedentary species on the continental shelf, you, Madam Minister, have the power to ban bottom dragging on our continental shelf on the nose and tail of the Grand Banks. Consistent with the NAFO decision, Minister, you can ban foreign fishing activity on the nose and tail to protect those sponges and corals. Will you do it?
There are three questions for you.
:
Mr. Chairman, thank you very much.
Minister, I thank you and your officials for coming today.
Minister, respectfully, I have complete disagreement with you and your department's view on custodial management. I just want to put that on the record.
Minister, you said that anybody who has differences of opinions or views--I'm paraphrasing now--is fear-mongering. I met with Mr. Applebaum, Mr. Rowat, Mr. Parsons, and Mr. Wiseman, former senior officials of the department you now manage--they've been in Newfoundland and they've been here--four very sober, very educated and very well-informed individuals, and not once have I ever heard them fear-monger on this issue. They have disagreed with the department and Canada's position on NAFO and the new convention, but I've never heard them fear-monger on this issue. I think it's unfair that a minister of the crown would quote them--although you didn't say it was them specifically--as fear-mongering. I find that is a rather unfortunate choice of words.
I want to go through one aspect of this and I want you to tell me whether these four wise and sober men are completely out to lunch or they're just not understanding it. Under the original convention, members can object to any management decisions without constraints. They can do the same thing under the proposed amendments.They can object without constraints. The requirement for an accompanying explanation is not a constraint, even if it results in overfishing.
With regard to objections, the proposed amendments continue to lack an effective dispute settlement process for the relevant fishing season, providing only, as indicated, a review process that takes place during the fishing season that cannot result in binding decisions that overrule objections. Is Mr. Applebaum wrong? I mean, the reality is that they've indicated many concerns.
The other question I have is that if Canada retains sovereignty over its 200-mile limit, which it does--no one is disagreeing with that--why is that provision about the possible allowance after a consent in the vote in the new NAFO arrangement? Who authorized that? Did Canada welcome that provision, or did the EU insist that provision be part of the new NAFO amendments?
Thank you.
:
I'll start with your last question first.
That clause is there because it was discussed at the table. It clarifies that NAFO could never impose itself on us but that if we asked NAFO to impose on us, then it could. For example, Greenland, which has a very small population, may not have the capacity to carry out research science, or whatever, and it may want NAFO to carry out science within its waters. That's why it is there. It's my understanding that the entire NAFO convention must be interpreted in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which guarantees Canadian sovereignty.
I respect that these gentlemen have differing opinions, but I also know there was an independent lawyer brought to the Senate committee who did not agree with their opinions. They are ex-bureaucrats; however, they are not lawyers.
Now, on the process of the objection, if a state objects and says it does not have enough quota and it is going to fish anyway, that state can fish legally. The objection must come before an ad hoc panel, and if whatever that ad hoc panel decides is not to the satisfaction of the contracting party, this will go to UNFA for its binding objection process. While that is happening, the contracting party or the state that has objected must abide by the ruling by the ad hoc panel. So if that ad hoc panel found they were overfishing, then that becomes an illegal fishery and they could be charged.
:
Let's get started, and thanks again, Madam Minister.
Just for the benefit of the Conservatives, it's spelled out in the treaty here very clearly that there is a loss of Canadian sovereignty. What amazes all of us is that while Canada negotiated an opportunity for NAFO and the European Union to manage inside our waters, it never dawned on anybody to actually ask--for Canada to ask--for the ability to manage outside of the 200-mile limit. That's not in here.
Madam Minister, you said that Bob Applebaum is not a lawyer, that these bureaucrats don't have any knowledge of international law issues. Bob Applebaum is an internationally renowned lawyer with expertise in the Law of the Sea. I point that out to you, so perhaps you should pay more attention to him, because he is a lawyer and you respect and like lawyers.
With respect to the objection procedure, you said that's gone. You made the statement that that's no more. Well, Madam Minister, half of this document describes in detail how countries can still impose the objection procedure. Half of the articles in this document actually describe in detail how the right to unilaterally fish once an objection is filed still exists.
Half of this document outlines in detail that the objection procedure, the matter of resolving the objection procedure, will take up to four years. In fact, your colleagues around you will describe the circumstance surrounding the Gulf of Maine resolution, which DFO and the Government of Canada embarked upon, which took three years to resolve.
There is nothing in this treaty that produces a binding decision within the calendar year, the fishing season, in which an objection is raised. It takes six months to fish down this quota to nothing. That's the problem with this particular revised convention, and you can't deny it. The objection procedure is still here, and countries have the ability to fish unilaterally for as much as they want, right down to the last fish.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
I appreciate your reading into the record the position of the Liberal Party of Canada, which is that this revised NAFO convention not be ratified. That is our position.
We take some comfort at this point in time, given the fact that the government—at least the Conservative members of this committee—is not prepared to pronounce itself on this particular convention. Clearly, it has concerns; it wants more time to study it. That means it's not necessarily sold on the benefits of the convention, so we certainly applaud that.
The Liberal Party of Canada has determined that this convention is not in the best interest of Canada. We've heard expert witness testimony during March, May, and October 2009. Now we've heard from the minister herself, which quite frankly increased my concern; it did not decrease it at all.
The Liberal Party of Canada will not be supporting this particular amendment to the motion for many reasons, but mostly because we're very clear that this is not in the best interest of Canada. We appreciate the fact that the government—at least the Conservative members here—is quite uncertain. It wants more time to study it.
But I will point this out to committee members. We made a commitment to get on to the business of other issues facing this committee. Issues were piling up. I think we've heard enough testimony for us to at least pronounce ourselves on this. I know where our party stands. I would have thought or hoped that the New Democratic Party would pronounce itself on this. If what some members are saying is that they need more time to study, that they haven't yet made up their minds on this, I guess they'll just have to make that case known not only to the committee but to the public as well.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Just to give a brief outline of this discussion, as you know, when we were last here, the first thing out of my mouth was this: is there any possible way, because of all the other issues, that we can get the government to assure us that it can delay ratification?
My understanding was that, as of October 19, the 21-day deadline given to us by the government would have been over and the government would have had its own right on October 20 to ratify this agreement. We had asked, was there any possible way we could get that extended to discuss not only this but the other issues as well?
At the time, , the parliamentary secretary, was not sure if indeed that could happen, so moved a motion—and rightfully so—which we supported, because of the urgency of the situation. We then find out today that the government has acknowledged the fact that there can be more time prior to their discussing the ratification of this treaty, which then gives us the opportunity to bring in two more sets of witnesses.
One set would be the Province of Newfoundland and Labrador, and one question I would like to ask them about is their current view of the situation.
Also, we consistently hear about scientific and eco-based management. It would be nice to bring in the scientists who do these NAFO TACs and allocations in order to see if indeed, in their view, these new amendments are either good or bad.
Personally, I can tell Mr. Byrne and the Liberal Party that I do not support the amendments to this particular treaty, and I would vote against them and support any motion that would have the government not ratify. But in fairness to everybody and in fairness to the people of Newfoundland and Labrador, I think it's only fair that we allow a couple more groups of witnesses to come in. We'd then make our report. We'd then table a motion of concurrence or non-concurrence in the House, we'd have a vote, and we'd proceed from there.
But bear in mind that we know full well—because we've done this before, and I've lost arguments before—that even when concurrence ruled in favour of it, previous governments and the current one have said, “Well, it's a motion anyway; it's nice to hear from the House, but we don't have to abide by it.”
I can assure Mr. Byrne and the House that I and the NDP will not be supporting the NAFO amendments as presented to us by the minister and officials. However, to repeat, I think it's only proper that we get an opportunity to speak to Newfoundland and Labrador and to scientists. We're only talking about maybe a couple of days. We don't even need the 21 days to do this. That way we're not, as Mr. Kamp said, rushed into this, even though our views are probably already well known, that this side--I can't speak to the Bloc--would exercise reservation over the treaty, and I believe the Conservatives would probably support the treaty as it's done.
It's only fair that we have a couple more days of what the Senate calls “sober second thought” in this regard, but I believe it would be fair to balance out any kind of discussion in this review.
I have participated in a good-faith exercise in these last few hours. This has been about good faith and nothing but good faith. I have always been very clear on our position on this issue. The problem was the October 19 date. That forced us to analyze the situation very quickly and to come to a conclusion like the one reflected in the motion on the table.
In my opinion, since we had no guarantee—either from the Department of Fisheries and Oceans or from the Department of Foreign Affairs—that the decision could be suspended, we had to make a decision today. In all good faith, given that we now have more time to study the issue, it is important to do so. That says it all.
Furthermore, I agree entirely with Mr. Stoffer. We maintain our position on the amendments before us. The question is not whether we are studying the possibility of changing our approach today; it has nothing to do with that. To those who think that that is what is going on, I say that they are clearly not listening. I said it several times and I will say it again: we are not satisfied with the amendments to NAFO that are currently before us; that is our opinion.
However, when we do not agree on a position, it is quite appropriate to allow people the time to have their say; that is showing good faith.
Yesterday, it was an urgent matter because of the October 19 date; now, it is no longer urgent. So I will let others have their say. I am anxious to hear from Mr. Williams, if he agrees to come here. I look forward to hearing what the ministry in Newfoundland and Labrador has to say. I was also convinced by the arguments presented by Mr. Applebaum and the others. But I am far from convinced by what the department has presented to us concerning the amendments.
The exercise we are currently undertaking is intended in all good faith to ensure that our final position on the matter will not be taken with a gun to our heads, and particularly not with a deadline like October 19. This will allow us to go into more detail in our arguments. Our position remains the same, that is that the NAFO amendments currently on the table are unsatisfactory. I told the minister so yesterday, during a meeting on another issue: the grey seal. I told her that our position remains the same, in fact.
If some people think that we have suddenly changed our position, there is nothing we can do. They are free to think what they will; at the end of the day, I cannot make them do anything. However, I know my position and I know the Bloc Québécois' position. We consider the results of the NAFO negotiations to be unsatisfactory.
But it is quite right to give people the opportunity to come here and express their opinions, given that we no longer have this sword of Damocles, the October 19 date, over their heads. This is how we cooperate. It has nothing to do with the views of others that some may think we have taken over. It is unfortunate that it happens like that, but, for myself, I have always believed that the more time we have to analyze an issue, the better our position will be. If our position does not change, it will be better documented. My feeling is that it will be more complete than it was, given the witnesses that we will be hearing from.
I hope that we will be hearing from other witnesses who will give us various perspectives. Hearing other opinions is not a problem for me, given that we no longer have the sword of Damocles hanging over our heads. I am cooperating.
I believe I have cooperated in good faith in order to allow people to have their say so that we can study this issue once again. However, let us not fool ourselves. We are not trying to get out of anything. We have just pushed back the deadline.
In my opinion, the situation is improving to some extent. I feel that our group is better informed than ever and will be even more so after we hear the next witnesses. This is even better for democracy. I am perfectly comfortable with the position we have taken and I hope that everyone will support it.
I think we're probably getting close to being ready for the question on this, but perhaps I can make a couple of final comments.
First, I appreciate the comments made by my colleagues, but I would encourage us all, as parliamentarians, as members of this committee, to try as much as possible to retain some objectivity as we continue studying this. I think it behooves us to do that on both sides of this issue.
In addition to the witnesses who have been mentioned, personally I would be very interested in hearing from another NAFO country, maybe even one of the coastal states that will be affected by this amendment in a similar way, or maybe Norway, which has already ratified this.
I think the additional time, in addition to allowing us to hear witnesses as we develop the report, would allow us some time to actually talk to one another, as well, rather than to just vote on a motion. We could get a sense of and flesh out our own positions on this at the end of our study. We would be able to write a report that is balanced and understand one another better. This time will allow us at least some time--not a lot of time, but some time--to actually produce a report that is the subject of some discussion among ourselves.