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Perhaps I can begin in terms of just the overview.
The committee was interested in knowing how all of the pieces fit together in terms of the roles of central agencies and departments in terms of the whole machinery of government around decision-making.
The blue and green flow chart that you have in front of you tries to give you some kind of framework in terms of the initial policy development stage, which is at the left-hand side of your paper. Then moving to the right, it goes into the implementation phase. Down the side of the left-hand column you'll see that we tried to identify PCO, Finance, the Treasury Board Secretariat, and line departments.
In terms of looking at the policy development stage, the role of PCO, as I had described on Tuesday in my comments, is to support the Prime Minister and cabinet. That is certainly the support we provide to the policy committees in terms of policy initiatives coming forward, helping to ensure there is a horizontal or coordinated perspective--since many issues, of course, cross over more than one department--and helping to ensure overall that the government's agenda in terms of the priorities that it has set through the Speech from the Throne are followed through.
Finance, on the other hand, will be meeting with you next week and they can certainly elaborate in greater detail on Finance's role. Certainly they of course help in setting the overall economic and fiscal context. They are the experts in terms of economic and fiscal implications and analysis. And of course, budget preparation is a key responsibility of the Department of Finance and the Minister of Finance.
I'll let Joe speak to this when I'm finished, but Treasury Board is basically responsible for looking at and ensuring the integrity of the system in terms of overall oversight on financial and management issues, on assessing resource adequacy.
Line departments, in terms of the bottom column, are ultimately responsible for developing initiatives pursuant to the government's policy agenda and ensuring that any of their priority initiatives, or initiatives that they are working on, are consistent with the government's policy initiatives. They actually are responsible, as I mentioned the other day, for developing and preparing policy proposals that would come forward for consideration to cabinet.
The three central agencies on that policy development process work very much together. We have complementary roles, if I can put it that way, and we input in terms of policy initiatives that would be coming forward to cabinet. When I go into the next chart I'll actually show you how that all comes together.
That's the policy development side of things in terms of items before they are considered by cabinet.
For the implementation phase, clearly Finance has a role in terms of the passage of the Budget Implementation Act through Parliament, and tax and other statutory measures.
Treasury Board is responsible, of course, for the approval of program authorities for departments to implement programs, to approve spending plans, ensuring that programming is consistent with the Financial Administration Act and, of course, parliamentary management of the estimates process. That's the main estimates and the supplementary estimates process. They have also set the macro policies for the Government of Canada in terms of program evaluation and audit policies.
Departments, on the other hand, are responsible once an initiative has received policy approval and program approval by Treasury Board, and then are responsible for actually implementing an initiative, providing the appropriate management oversight in terms of program implementation, reporting to Parliament in terms of their DPRs, and also conducting program evaluations and risk-based audits of their programs.
I hope that is somewhat helpful in terms of trying to explain how the pieces fit together.
Before I turn to the memorandum to cabinet process, I maybe can turn to Joe.
Do you want to add anything on the role of the board?
As for the next two charts, the first one tries to give you a sense of how the memorandum to cabinet process works.
The initial policy proposal in terms of what comes forward is determined by the government's agenda. Clearly that's set through things like the platform the government articulates, then subsequently in the Speech from the Throne or mandate letters or the budget. So the priorities are in accordance with the priorities that have been identified by the government and that should be moving through the system. The department would ensure they identify a priority that's consistent with the agenda through the Speech from the Throne or, as I say, through the budget or through mandate letters, and they would start to do the policy work internally. Traditionally on a policy initiative, that would be developed by a strategic policy branch located in a department. They would start to put together the necessary analysis in terms of developing a memorandum to cabinet.
I think, as I mentioned the other day, in terms of the template for the memorandum to cabinet process, it is on the PCO website, and it gives you a sense of what the structure of a memorandum to cabinet should be in terms of identifying a proposal, a recommendation. It identifies the problem, why this is coming forward, the analysis of the issues, and the possible options. We look for credible options that give ministers some choice in terms of what they can move forward with, and it also gives them a sense of the risks and the benefits of moving forward.
The department starts to initiate that work and starts to develop a detailed policy proposal they would like to bring forward to cabinet. That's the first stage. That would move out.
Before it even comes to central agencies, there would be an interdepartmental working group. As you know, issues are now much more complex than they might have been many years ago and cross over other departments many times, or you may need to work in coordination with other departments. Sometimes proposals are sponsored by more than one minister and may come forward from a number of ministers.
So it's very important for departments to identify and recognize implications if they need other program departments to help them in the delivery of a particular initiative they want to go forward with. The interdepartmental working group is the basis for a department to pull together other policy experts in other departments so they can further develop the proposal they would like to bring forward to cabinet to ensure it reflects a broader context and takes into account potential implications or participation by other departments. That helps to start refining the document, the memorandum to cabinet, that would be coming forward to a cabinet policy committee.
Once that work has been completed and you start to have a draft of a document that would come forward, there would be consultations with central agencies. And it's very important. We always encourage departments to engage with the Privy Council Office early in the process. Treasury Board and Finance are very much a part of that, so it isn't just one central agency. Each central agency brings a somewhat different but complementary perspective. PCO would focus on the overall policy intent and the work that's required to advance that; Finance, of course, brings its economic perspective and its lens in terms of an initiative; and of course, Treasury Board already thinks through at that point and provides comments and assistance from the point of view of what it would take to deliver this program, to already start thinking through at the initial policy stage whether this is a credible initiative that can be implemented and if there are challenges in terms of program implementation. They will also help to try to focus on the results expected to be achieved, because that's important at the opening policy stage to help identify the results, so subsequently, when you're doing program implementation, it's clear at the outset what your overall objectives are.
Central agencies would meet with the department, and that might take several meetings. This is a dynamic process, so central agencies would meet and would review with the department their proposal and any documents they would submit. They would provide comments back to the department in terms of how to make a proposal more robust and whether there are any gaps that central agency officers feel haven't really been addressed in a memorandum to cabinet.
That can be a very dynamic process and might take a certain amount of time in terms of just working through, back and forth, a dialogue between officials.
After that has taken place, then there's an interdepartmental meeting, and I had mentioned that to you on Tuesday. The interdepartmental meeting is very important, and that's required on any initiative that comes forward to a cabinet policy committee and the broader community, not just affected or impacted departments or implicated departments or partnering departments in an initiative. It's really an opportunity for the broader interdepartmental community to come together and to review a proposal. And the draft is basically circulated and shared with that community.
It's usually one meeting. It may be more meetings. It depends on the nature of issues that may be identified in that interdepartmental meeting in terms of whether there are concerns raised by a particular department, which it thinks the memorandum to cabinet hasn't addressed, or whether there are certain risks or implications that a department may not have factored in or may not have taken into consideration. It could be something it hadn't been aware of.
The interdepartmental process is a dynamic process. It's meant to provide constructive feedback. Central agencies also participate in that forum, and Status of Women does as well. So it's an important opportunity for Status of Women, certainly, to view proposals coming forward and to provide its input and its views in terms of the proposal.
What usually has to happen at that stage is that a document has to be revised. It has to reflect the perspectives and the issues that have been raised through an interdepartmental process. And once that has satisfactorily come to ground, you effectively have what constitutes a final draft document that's ready to be presented to ministers.
And then the document itself must be submitted and must be signed by the minister. A minister is ultimately accountable, or ministers who are presenting a proposal are accountable. So ministers, of course, play a major role in terms of ensuring that they're satisfied with the proposal coming forward, because they ultimately have to present it to their cabinet colleagues.
If a minister is satisfied and signs off on that document, then the document is referred to a cabinet committee, the relevant policy committee, whether that is social affairs, economic, or environment, depending on which committee it would go to. The cabinet committee of the policy committee would have the opportunity to deliberate. It would see the proposal. It's an opportunity to ask questions and to debate.
If the committee is satisfied, it doesn't have the final decision-making authority on that. It's basically a recommendation that is issued out of a policy committee, which would be referred to the priorities and planning committee of cabinet, the committee of cabinet responsible for ratifying cabinet decisions. The priorities and planning committee has the opportunity to challenge. It's sort of a check-and-balance system. It's an opportunity to challenge, as well, recommendations that are coming forward from policy committees of cabinet.
Ultimately, if priorities and planning is satisfied and is all right with a proposal, then a final decision would be issued. At that stage we've completed the policy stage.
Then it moves out to the implementation stage, which may or may not—depending on the issues—but usually does require the next stage, which is Treasury Board approval.
I'll turn to Joe to explain the Treasury Board role, which is to provide that opportunity to start providing the details of how a policy initiative will be rolled out: how it will be implemented, what resources are required to deliver it, who the delivery body will be, and what accountability mechanisms are in place. That's when we move on to the implementation stage.
Before I turn to Joe, do you want to take a moment there?
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I think it's a combination of factors. A challenge always in government is working horizontally. It's an issue we've tried to address over many years. Accountabilities, of course, are very much vertical in terms of departmental ministerial accountabilities to Parliament, so the challenge is trying to work across the system in terms of coming up with accountability structures that ensure you have synergy and coordination happening.
The reason we actually do have.... It's certainly a requirement for PCO. It's required that we do interdepartmental consultations before something comes forward. It's very important that the connections be made. Certainly one of the key issues we ask for is interdepartmental work before an initiative comes forward, just to ensure that very thing—that an integrated perspective is actually taken into account and that there's every opportunity to identify issues.
It may not be a perfect system, but I think the mechanisms are certainly in place to try to ensure that those kinds of issues are raised at the officials level; then of course, it's incumbent on officials to brief their ministers who sit on policy committees of cabinet and on cabinet. Officials brief their ministers, so if there are continuing issues, that's also an opportunity to ensure that their ministers are aware. Ministers have every opportunity in cabinet committees, of course, to deliberate. That is their role: to debate, to discuss, to ask questions, and to ensure they are satisfied with the proposal coming forward.
A number of mechanisms have been put in place to try to ensure that happens. I think that to an extent it is a responsibility for everyone. The budget preparation process, as I mentioned, is the responsibility of Finance. This committee has already made recommendations, which I think Finance is certainly acting on; I think you'll have every opportunity next week to hear from them in terms of the extent of the work they're doing on gender-based analysis, but I know they also are working with Status of Women.
I think having a champion is very helpful, but I think it is a system issue as well, in the sense that it's incumbent on—and I think we've tried to build them in—various steps along the way to make sure there is every opportunity to reflect on key issues.
:
I just wanted to add to that.
I think your question really goes to the heart of what the Westminster system is about, and the purpose of a cabinet. For those who are fans of the Westminster system anyway, the real magic of the system is the idea that you do have robust discussion amongst the entirety of the cabinet--amongst the different ministers, who all have different perspectives, different experiences, different backgrounds. It's all being brought to bear on an issue to arrive at the best decision possible. All members of the cabinet ultimately stand behind that decision.
In a sense, yes, there's a minister who is going to be the minister accountable to Parliament for the decision that has been taken, and that will be whoever that lead minister is, but ultimately all ministers of cabinet stand behind the decisions that are taken at that table, and basically they're all champions for whatever the decision is that has come out of cabinet.
That's the magic--to me anyway--of the Westminster system. It does provide for a very unified approach to bringing all perspectives in, having the robust debate, and then coming out of that with a decision that everyone supports and backs.
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I certainly agree in that I don't look at this as an end state. I look at this as a kind of marathon journey that actually has no finish line. We are continuously seeking ways to improve our ability to operate horizontally, to coordinate between departments to find ways to ensure that the synergies you can achieve through bringing together different departments with different policy levers and different policy expertise are brought to bear on a given problem. I think there's no question that if you went back and started at Confederation and then went forward, you would see that continuously through time.
We are becoming more and more sophisticated in our understanding not only of science but of how certain policy initiatives may impact on other things. Our capacity to measure the results of programs has been making leaps and bounds over the last decade compared to where we used to be. Our sophistication around understanding policy levers, understanding the results they generate, the consequences that they sometimes generate, has been improving. As all of those things improve, our job is to continuously try to find ways to work better together to ensure that we arrive at the best possible solution for Canadians.
It's not something where there's ever going to be an end state, where we're going to say, okay, we're done, and we've now achieved perfect horizontality. I don't think that exists. I think it's a continuous journey, and I think it's one in which we're probably--I would say, arguably, compared to some other governments around the world--fairly well advanced, particularly given that we're talking about a federal system of government, which complicates things. There are three levels of government that we have to consider and think about when we're making policy decisions, as well as the international level. It's a far more global world than it once was.
I do think we are making progress, and I think it's a continuous kind of thing. There is certainly always room for improvement. We have a lot of things, as Ms. Biguzs mentioned, that are entrained that I think will help us to better understand horizontal impacts.
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Can I add to that? I may not have been as clear or as explicit.
In terms of an initiative coming forward to cabinet, you may actually have initiatives that will be sponsored by more than one minister. It's not unusual that you would have an initiative that requires two, sometimes three, sometimes four, sometimes five ministers to be participating ministers on an initiative. That, I think, reflects the integrated nature. You have to take into account that a number of departments have a role to play and are participants. Ministers then have to sign and sponsor together a proposal coming to cabinet.
That's another role we try to play. We try to be vigilant in making sure the right departments and the right ministers are included, because again, we don't want to leave anyone behind who is implicated, ultimately, in an initiative.
As I say, you will see items coming forward--and not unusually--sponsored by multiple ministers, ensuring that integration and that horizontality of several departments working together to advance an initiative.
:
I come to this fairly new, of course, and I'm happy to be here to ask a few questions.
This may have been asked before, but it seems to me, after reviewing the material, that the emphasis seems to be on MCs, memos to cabinet, for programs. I inferred that might be, in most cases, new programs, or new spins on old programs--as we've seen in the last two years or so--with new names for old programs.
What about existing programs? There are a number of pieces of approved legislation and spending authority attached to those pieces of legislation. I think back to unemployment insurance and old age security as good examples. If these are existing programs that have already gone to cabinet--some in Louis St. Laurent's time for the first time--how is it that GBA would ever be incorporated into a consideration of their core spending?
I can understand if they're new assets or facets to existing programs, fine, but how can we be assured that GBA is considered at the very beginning in cabinet decisions respecting existing programs?
Maybe that's a stupid question, I don't know.
:
I have to unpack that question a little bit, but there is a process that was launched this year, and which Treasury Board Secretariat has been leading, called strategic reviews. This was our first year of doing strategic reviews to determine or look at, on a four-year cycle, all existing spending within departments. The purpose of strategic reviews is to look at existing spending from the perspective of efficiency, effectiveness, and whether or not the spending is properly aligned with the priorities of the government. Are the programs actually achieving the purposes for which they were intended? The idea is to identify low-priority programs, or programs that are simply not particularly effective, as potential areas from which spending could then be reallocated to, or reinvested in, high-priority and high-performing programs.
In carrying out those strategic reviews, if the program has gender-based issues integrated into its program design, you would then be picking it up in that sense. So if you had a program, hypothetically, where Health Canada was doing awareness of breast cancer, you would have a measure associated with that program to understand whether or not it's actually working. So you would have a results-based framework, which you would then be assessing and asking, am I actually achieving the results this program is intended to achieve? As part of the strategic review, when Health Canada's turn comes up, they would have to look at all of their existing spending, including that program and whether or not it was actually achieving the desired results. Is it an effective program or not? In that way, it gets picked up.
If, for example, the program was not working particularly well, if the measures were indicating that it wasn't getting the information to the people who needed it, that there was no impact on women's awareness of breast cancer issues, then perhaps the program would be looked at to see if there's a problem in its design or in the fact that it's just not an effective program, and that we need to find more effective means to do it.
So as part of that strategic review, you look at that spending and decide if you want to reinvest the money into a program that's potentially going to be more effective.
The other thing, obviously, is that departments have been doing GBA analysis on their proposals since 1995. So for the better part of about 13 years now, GBA has been part of any development of a program. So to the extent any existing spending has actually commenced within the last 13 years, there would have been GBA performed on it by the department bringing forward the proposal.
I'm not sure if that gets to exactly what you're asking, but that's the way in which it's addressed currently.
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I think that's very much along the point that I was going to make. There is an expectation that departments will do so on a regular basis, and the way we've set the cycle on strategic reviews, for example, is once every four years. We intend to have full coverage of the discretionary spend over a four-year cycle.
The idea around evaluation of the effectiveness of programs, which is something that continues to develop, is that basically departments are expected to have results-based structures in place for all their programs. Results-based structure is about measuring its performance, and it would seem to me that part of that process of assessing the effectiveness of the program does mean discerning whether or not there are unintended consequences.
I think the point I would make is that I don't think that's solely a GBA lens. I think that's a full-spectrum lens. In other words, unintended consequences could be on official languages, employment equity, gender impacts that are unintended, sustainable development, all kinds of things, but that, again, fulsome policy analysis is done to determine whether or not the program is working as intended, whether it's generating the results that were expected, and how effective it actually is at achieving the outcome for which it was actually designed. Part of that equation takes into account whether there are unintended consequences, and looking at unintended consequences is not a narrow band, it's a fulsome spectrum that we have to look at.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
We apologize for being late.
Thank you for being here with us this morning. In the documents that you sent to us, Mr. Wild, there's often mention of training for the analysts. In fact there were sessions on January 8 and 9, from what I can see in your document. Within the framework of these meetings, is there also training on gender-based analysis?
I would also like to know why, on question 4.5.5 of your guide for policy development, it says that if the policy has an effect on gender, impact assessments are required. Should they not be automatically required?
Finally, at point number 2 of your guide to preparing Treasury Board submissions, it says that appropriate consideration is given to gender-based analysis issues. It is quite broad. What do you mean by “appropriate consideration”? Is it appropriate to approve gender-based analysis, or appropriate to the will of the government?
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I can't give a specific case because then we're into cabinet confidences, we're into the specifics around a submission and the discussions around the submission, which pull me into cabinet confidences.
What I can do, though--and perhaps this will assist, because this is the part we never really got to discuss--is explain how this fits together and where we play in the process. That may help. I can also leave with the committee copies in English and French of the tool that lays out all those questions that I was just mentioning before, which will give you then a sense of the guide we've given to our analysts on how to assess submissions.
The process basically is this.
We start with the government priorities that are set through the Speech from the Throne and the budget. There's an MC process then, where departments and agencies are going forward for their policy approval from cabinet. As Madam Biguzs has explained, gender-based analysis is occurring through that stage. Basically there's a whole process in place to ensure that various views and perspectives are brought to bear as that policy initiative is being developed, including all of the departments in government that may have an interest having an opportunity to speak to that submission, including Status of Women.
After you have your policy authority for your program, and you have your source of funds identified, whether through the budget or through the estimates, you then come--
:
If I may, the job of Treasury Board analyst is to provide ministers with fulsome advice on proposals coming forward to the board. As part of that, if the analyst believes there is an issue with the gender-based analysis done by the department, they would flag that in the advice that they give to ministers.
Ultimately, ministers then have to take into account a whole host of factors, a whole host of interests, and weigh those interests and make a decision. The decision they ultimately come to is like any policy decision: you're having to choose between winners and losers. It's a complicated set of factors that ministers are considering.
We're not the decision-makers. It's not our job to make the decisions. We're not elected representatives and there's no accountability mechanism for us to be held accountable by the public. The whole purpose of the system is that we are providing non-partisan advice on what we think are the factors and the policy issues that ministers need to be aware of and what they need to take into account and consider when they're making their decision.
Ministers ultimately weigh all of those things. They bring to the table additional context--this is the political context--that we are not able to provide advice on, and then they make a decision. Ultimately ministers are held accountable by Parliament and the institutions within Parliament, ultimately by the electorate. That's the system.
From my perspective, I think it's a very good system of government. Does it always work perfectly? Absolutely not. No system does. Is there room for improvement? Sure. There always is. I think we're always struggling to be better at our part of that equation, which is providing the most robust policy advice we can to make sure that all of the information ministers need is on the table.
Certainly GBA and the work that was started in 1995 was putting forward an emphasis for us, that as part of our policy consideration we need to make sure we are looking at and performing GBA so that we are providing a view to ministers on whether or not there are GBA impacts. Ultimately ministers will decide what they're prepared to accept or not accept as far as that goes.
:
We don't keep a specific list. The Treasury Board process is one whereby the department develops the submission. It's very much ultimately that minister's submission.
It comes in to the Treasury Board program analysts, who review the submission. They have conversations with the officials in the department who are responsible for the submission concerning any deficiencies or issues that are viewed in the submission. It's a conversation, it's a dialogue. Sometimes it results in the department making changes to the submission and sometimes it doesn't.
Ultimately, the analyst provides an independent view to ministers on the risks or issues associated with that submission. That independent view is not shared with the department. That's the specific advice that the analysts give to ministers, which is then incorporated into the decision-making process by the ministers.
The difficulty is that I can't talk about specific cases, because it's all wrapped up in cabinet confidences. I'm certainly aware of cases where there have been conversations specifically on whether or not the gender-based analysis was adequate and certainly aware that there have been situations where departments have decided to pull back a submission in order to adjust and incorporate the suggestions that were provided by the analysts.
As to quantum or magnitude, I'm not in a position to be able to give that. We don't track those things on that basis. Because, as I mentioned, it's a regular, continuous, ongoing dialogue as they're actually preparing the submission, it's just not something we can track. But I'm aware that there are examples of cases in which there have been issues and they've ultimately been sorted out one way or another.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Thank you very much for coming back today. I think we're certainly learning a lot more as we go along. I appreciate the fact that you've brought this information we asked for on Tuesday. That does help a lot.
I would agree with Madame Demers, if we could follow a project from start to finish, it would be wonderful to be able to see that, but I also understand we have confidentiality rules and we can't do that. So we'll have to try to work around how we can make that clearer to ourselves as we go through it.
I think it's really encouraging to see everybody around this table agreeing that this is something that needs to be done. We know it's been an issue for a lot of years; people have been working on it for 13 years. As you said, it started through this process in 1995. I think it's strengthening. We heard from Dr. Good that we are making progress.
I think this committee wants to see how we can continue to make progress, strengthen the process, and assure ourselves it can be measurable, that we are doing what we need to be doing. I think that's what I'm having a hard time getting my head around. We've heard about the champions, the training. As the chair said, I think it's extremely important that we get rid of the silo mentality as much as we can and try to do some horizontal discussion and input. I think things get done in this world by people cooperating. So I think that's good.
But I'm still not clear on how we strengthen this issue. We also have the issue of past policy, policy that has been in place for years, as Mr. Murphy pointed out. I'm still not clear on that issue, how we can manage to make sure past policy is good policy and that GBA can apply properly to it.
I have one more question. Almost everything we've talked about to this point has dealt with a normal process and how things go through the system in a normal way, if we can call it that. Some people would question that. We're talking about proposals being put forward, policies and processes being outlined in throne speeches, and budgets then coming forward as projects and so on, and the GBA being applied to it.
What happens when private members' bills have an impact? We've heard a lot of criticism here about some of the tax measures and policies that have been put in place, and that GBA definitely, in some people's opinion, could not have been applied or they would never have been allowed to go through. So what happens with private members' business? Is GBA applied to that? If it isn't, how can we ensure that in the future that's something that does get looked at?
So these are just a few questions on how we can strengthen it as we go forward in different areas.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
What particularly concerns me, Mr. Wild and Ms. Biguzs, is that over the last few years, several measures have been adopted that have really hurt women, children and the heads of single-parent families. Given that these measures have been adopted, we have the necessary tools to cushion the impact for these people.
It is true that this is an issue of government responsibility, but it has to be more than that at the committee level. The committee has to play a broader role in order to ensure that such measures are not adopted before having considered all of the repercussions that may result from them. You may well have done your work in each one of the departments most competently, but there are no results. Even though you have the tools, you have asked the questions and shared your considerations, the measures went forward in any case.
I always come back to the issue of leadership, as you mentioned in your previous presentations. You said that very strong leadership was required, but where to find it? Who should demonstrate this leadership? This person must be given the tools and the courage needed to face the music, if necessary.
The measures that have been implemented have proven very negative for a large part of the population, and we don't know how to react to that.
:
I think there are a few points here.
First, it's the way the system operates at the end of the day. It's difficult to measure whether the policy advice being provided to ministers is adequate. In essence, that's our role. Our role in this system is to provide ministers with the best possible non-partisan advice.
This is an area that continues to evolve. We get better at it every year. Our tool kit for doing it gets better every year. I don't think there's ever going to be a time when we declare perfection. I don't think there's such a thing. It's continuous improvement—we strive to get better and better in our understanding of how to provide advice to ministers that helps them make decisions.
The disconnection is that while the advice we provide to ministers is fulsome advice, and while GBA is one component of a host of other policy lenses, ministers layer on an additional set of political factors that have absolutely nothing to do with the advice we're giving. That's appropriate because they are the elected representatives. They're the ones who are held accountable by Parliament through committees such as this for the decisions they're making.
The difficulty is that you can't use the decision made by a minister as a proxy to discern the quality of the policy advice that's been brought forward. I don't think we ever want to be in a situation where the policy advice coming from officials has to be taken as the definitive perspective on exactly what a minister should do. Absolutely not. We do not want to be in a situation where public servants become the decision-makers. That's not the purpose of the system. The elected officials are supposed to be the decision-makers.
I think the challenge for this committee, as well as any other committee trying to discern whether policy lenses are being applied appropriately, lies in figuring out how to hold ministers accountable if you have issues with the way they're making decisions at the end of the day. That may be an area one wishes to probe.
It's difficult for us to be in a situation to talk about the advice we're giving to ministers. It's very much an issue of confidentiality, and I would argue that this is exactly as it should be. Again, it's the basis of our Westminster system.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair. I'm going to take another go at this.
Mr. Wild, you didn't get a chance to respond to my earlier question. Let me just try to put it into the context again of what we're trying to get at.
I think you've done a very credible job of showing us that you are working hard to flag these issues, get them done properly, research them well, and put them through to the pertinent departments and people who need to be there. I accept that.
On the other hand, we get witnesses coming to us all the time who are saying there are major flaws in these programs about things like pension splitting, RRSPs, CPP, and employment insurance. It seems as if, as you have said, this disconnect is there. I could go ahead and ask you all these questions again--why is this so, why we are hearing from all these witnesses that it's not being done--when you folks are actually doing a pretty credible job of putting it forward. I think your answer to me is going to be, look, we're doing what we can; it's up to the political sector. I don't want to go there, because I know that will be your answer.
I would like to ask what we can do as a committee to help. Are there more resources that you need to flag these things better? When we put forward something like the deputy ministers coming together for a committee, we want that to be taken seriously. Perhaps it was, perhaps it wasn't, but it wasn't done. It's a practical question. It's a non-partisan question, because we work pretty well here in that capacity. What can we do as a committee? I don't think some of the bells are ringing in some of these places, and we would like to be able to help you to provide even better stuff.
Could you both please comment? Is there anything the committee can do to help try to get you resources or other things that you need?