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FAIT Committee Report

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CONFLICT, HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY IN
COLOMBIA: A CANADIAN AGENDA

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

            In February 2002 the Sub-Committee on Human Rights and International Development visited Colombia as the last phase of its public hearings on the complicated and tragic situation in that country. Decades of savage conflict in Colombia have killed thousands of civilians; displaced approximately two million others; seen widespread and continuing human rights abuses by all sides; severely strained Colombian democracy; and potentially threatened the stability of the whole Andean region through the spillover of violence, refugees and drug production. This report contains the Sub-Committee’s recommendations for Canadian government policy toward that country.

            Over the past decade Canada has significantly increased its engagement in the Americas, a process highlighted by its hosting of the Third Summit of the Americas in Quebec City last year. At that time Canada said that it wanted to be a leader in the Americas, and Colombia is unfortunately where many of the hemisphere’s problems persist. The basic lines of the Canadian policy on Colombia are correct, yet Sub-Committee members believe that Canada can and should do more in a number of areas both through democratic institutions in Colombia and internationally.

            Democracy and Conflict

            As Jan Egeland, the then-Special Advisor to the United Nations (UN) Secretary General on Colombia, told the Sub-Committee in the fall of 2001:

There is great competition from many other troubled areas, but Colombia is the biggest conflict in the Western hemisphere. It has the biggest human rights problem of the Western hemisphere; it has the biggest displacement problem of the Western hemisphere; and it has the biggest drug problem of the Western hemisphere.1

            At the time of the Sub-Committee’s visit, in addition to the protection and promotion of human rights, the Canadian government was also closely involved in facilitation of the peace talks between the Government of Colombia and the largest of that country’s insurgent groups, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia (FARC). Within days of the Sub-Committee’s return to Ottawa, the peace process ended and conflict increased once again.

            This has demanded a change in immediate priorities, which must now be to protect Colombian civilians, support the democratic Government of Colombia and, although Canada and other countries have no contacts with the guerrillas or the "paramilitary" groups, urge an end to kidnapping and the targeting of civilians. (Such humanitarian principles might hopefully form the basis of a new round of peace talks in the future). While more difficult now given the resumption of full-scale conflict and an upcoming presidential election in Colombia, Sub-Committee members continue to believe that a negotiated solution is still ultimately the best approach.

            In addition to being willing to assist in the search for a just peace in Colombia, Canada and other members of the international community must do all they can to help the Colombian government increase its power, capacity and credibility with all sectors of society. Strengthening Colombian democracy will require increased assistance to the justice system, and support for civil society in Colombia, which ideally would be part of an eventual comprehensive peace negotiation.

            International investment and trade will be important to Colombia as it struggles to address its serious poverty and other challenges, and Canadian firms have already made important investments in telecommunications, energy and other sectors there. It is critical to ensure that both Canadian firms operating in Colombia and the Export Development Corporation continue to maintain the highest standards of corporate social responsibility.

            Protecting and Promoting Human Rights

            The human rights situation in Colombia is deplorable, particularly that of human rights defenders, trade unionists and indigenous peoples. The Government of Colombia has made significant progress in establishing structures for the protection and promotion of human rights, yet impunity remains almost total. More difficult is the case of the Colombian armed forces, which have traditionally had a poor human rights record. The number of direct human rights complaints against Colombian military personnel has dropped substantially in recent years, and the Government of Colombia has adopted a policy of combatting right wing "paramilitary" groups. These achievements are real and must be commended, yet there continues to be evidence that, at a minimum, mid-level Colombian officers too often continue to look the other way in the face of paramilitary activities.

            An important development in the human rights situation in Colombia was the establishment of a UN Human Rights Office there. While the Colombian government requested the establishment of this office, its relationship with it has not always been easy, and Colombian President Andres Pastrana told Sub-Committee members in Bogotá that the government did not always feel it was treated fairly in reports from this office.

            It is understandable that the Government of Colombia feels that its real progress on human rights is ignored by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and others it believes are predisposed to criticize. At the same time, it must understand that Canada and other states will continue to view the professional work done by the UN Human Rights Office in Colombia as an independent evaluation of its progress on human rights. While acknowledging this progress, Canada and other friends of the democratic Government of Colombia will continue to hold it to a higher standard than those it is fighting — who have already shown their disrespect for the democratic process and the rights of civilians — and insist on the full implementation of recommendations made by the United Nations, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and other bodies. This will not be easy, but Colombia will not have to do it alone.

            Combatting the Drug Trade

            While the drug trade is not the origin of the political violence and conflict in Colombia, it does fuel it both directly and indirectly, and also contributes more generally to impunity, corruption and a weakened democracy. The United States has led in counter-narcotic assistance in Colombia, and counter-narcotic operations and results have increased substantially since the beginning of U.S. assistance as part of "Plan Colombia." At the same time, aerial spraying and other policies employed by the Government of Colombia have led to significant criticism in Europe and elsewhere. Beyond specific action to combat money laundering and restrict the export of precursor chemicals, Canada and other nations must take action to reduce the consumption of drugs within their borders. They should also support scientific study of aerial spraying, and encourage coordinated international action on alternative development and other aspects of the drug trade.

            Humanitarian and Development Assistance

            Decades of conflict have left Colombia with real humanitarian challenges, the most important of which is the overwhelming crisis of displacement. Beyond humanitarian needs, Colombia also faces significant poverty and other challenges. The Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) has recently been developing what Canada’s highly respected Ambassador to Colombia, Guillermo Rishchynski, told the Sub-Committee were more "people-centred" kinds of programming for Colombia. The Sub-Committee welcomes these changes in CIDA’s orientation, and believes that Canadian bilateral and multilateral assistance to that country should be increased.


1             House of Commons, Sub-Committee on Human Rights and International Development of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs
               and International Development, Evidence, 31 October 2001 (a.m.), p. 2. (Further references will be to Evidence). At the same
               meeting, the Sub-Committee also met the current acting Special Advisor, James LeMoyne.