:
I call this meeting to order. Welcome to meeting number two of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights.
As we can see, today's meeting is taking place in a hybrid format, pursuant to the House order of September 23, 2020. The proceedings will be made public and will be available via the House of Commons website. Just so you are all aware, the webcast will always show the person who is speaking rather than the whole committee room.
Before we go into clause-by-clause consideration of Bill , which is on the agenda today, let's first adopt the subcommittee report from the meeting last Tuesday. I ask for your support on adopting the meeting minutes, which have been circulated to you.
(Motion agreed to)
The Chair: This Thursday, we are receiving the minister for main estimates. Last week, the committee received the order of reference for the examination of supplementary estimates (B). Is it the will of the committee to also do the supplementary estimates at the same time this Thursday, or would you like to do it at a separate time? I open it up for anyone who wants to address this. Would the committee be okay to have the supplementary estimates be brought forward to the minister at the same time as the mains for the Thursday meeting? Can I see a thumbs-up from everybody in agreement? Good. Okay.
Mr. Clerk and analysts, if we can amend the briefing books so that they include the supplementary estimates as well, that would be great. Thank you.
In our last meeting, Mr. Garrison had a question about whether the whips' office staff and members' staff could have access to our Zoom virtual room, with the camera and mike off, for public meetings. We're happy to report that a pilot project is currently going on allowing the whips' and House leaders' office staff to attend in that manner, with their mikes muted and their videos off. We are looking into extending that possibility to members' staff as well.
Pursuant to the order of reference of Monday, October 19, 2020, the committee is meeting today for the clause-by-clause consideration of Bill .
We are joined today by video conference by officials from the Department of Justice. We have Stephen Zaluski, general counsel and director of the judicial affairs section; Adair Crosby, general counsel, judicial affairs section; and Gillian Blackell, senior counsel and team lead in the criminal law policy section.
You will be able to ask the officials questions, through me, if you have any questions around what we're doing today with the clause-by-clause consideration, to clarify any issues that arise.
To ensure an orderly meeting, I'd like to outline a few rules that we should be following.
Members and witnesses may speak in the official language of their choice. Interpretation services are available for this meeting. You have the choice at the bottom of your screen of floor, English or French. You may choose whatever interpretation you would like to hear.
For members participating in person, proceed as you usually would when the whole committee is meeting in person in a committee room. Keep in mind the directives from the Board of Internal Economy regarding wearing your mask and health protocols. I see that we have at least one member who is in the committee room today.
Before speaking, please wait until I recognize you by name. For those of you participating virtually, please click on the microphone icon to unmute yourself. For those in the room, your microphone will be controlled as normal by the proceedings and verification officer who's here. I remind you that all comments by members and witnesses should be addressed through the chair.
When speaking, speak slowly and clearly. Note that there is a bit of lag with the interpretation, so when you end a sentence, give it a few seconds before carrying on in another language or before the next speaker speaks, to allow the interpreters to finish speaking. When you're not speaking, I would ask that you put your microphone on mute, so we're not disrupting anybody else who's speaking.
With regard to a speakers list, the committee clerk and I will be doing our best to maintain a consolidated order of speaking for all members, whether they're participating virtually or in person. When you're participating virtually, please use the “raise hand” function through your participants list. I will be able to recognize the members who are in the room. Just flag to the clerk if you would like to be put on the speakers list; the clerk will let me know and we'll do so accordingly.
Are there any questions at this time from anybody?
I'd like to provide members of the committee with some instructions and a few comments on how the committee will proceed with the first clause-by-clause consideration of a bill in a hybrid meeting format. This is the first time we're doing this. I'll be going as slowly and as cautiously as possible. We obviously don't want to inadvertently do something that we may have difficulty taking back later on. Hopefully, this will go smoothly with the help of all these wonderful supports that we have here today.
As the name indicates, this is an examination of all clauses in the order in which they appear in the bill. I will call each clause successively, and each clause is subject to debate and a vote. If there is an amendment to the clause in question, I will recognize the member who is proposing it, who may explain or speak to the amendment that they have submitted. The amendment will then be open for debate. When no further members wish to intervene, the amendment will be voted on.
Amendments will be considered in the order in which they appear in the bill or in the package that each member has received from the clerk. If there are amendments that are consequential to each other—and I will identify them as we get to them—they will be voted on together.
Pursuant to the House order of September 23, 2020, all questions shall be decided by a recorded vote, except those that are decided unanimously or on division.
In addition to having to be properly drafted in a legal sense, amendments must also be procedurally admissible. I may be called upon to rule on amendments if you feel they are not admissible because they go against the principle of the bill or beyond the scope of the bill—both of which were adopted by the House when the bill was agreed to at second reading—or if they offend the financial prerogative of the Crown.
If you wish to eliminate a clause of the bill altogether, the proper course of action is to vote against that clause when the time comes, not to propose an amendment to delete it.
Since this is the first clause-by-clause consideration of a bill in a hybrid meeting format, I will go slowly to allow all members to follow the proceedings properly. If, during the process, the committee decides not to vote on a clause, that clause can be put aside by the committee so we can revisit it at a later time in the process.
The amendments have been given an alphanumeric number—that is in the top right-hand corner of the package that has been given to you—to indicate which party submitted them. There's no need for a seconder to move an amendment. Once it is moved, you will need unanimous consent to withdraw the amendment.
During debate on an amendment, members are permitted to move subamendments. These subamendments must be submitted in writing or by email for members participating virtually. They do not require the approval of the mover of the amendment. Only one subamendment may be considered at a time and that subamendment cannot be amended. When a subamendment is moved on an amendment, it has to be voted on first. Then, another subamendment may be moved or the committee may consider the main amendment and vote on it.
Once every clause has been voted on, the committee will vote on the title and the bill itself, and an order to reprint the bill may be required, if amendments are adopted, so that the House has a proper copy for use at report stage. Finally, the committee will have to order the chair to report the bill to the House. That report contains only the text of any adopted amendments as well as an indication of any deleted clauses.
I thank the members for their attention and wish everyone a very productive clause-by-clause consideration. If there are any questions at this time, you can raise them now.
:
Thank you very much, Madam Chair.
Mr. Fortin, French is never an inconvenience.
First of all, I would like to thank everyone for giving me the opportunity to present amendments. As you know, I am not an official member of the Standing Committee on Justice.
The purpose of Bill is of great concern to me, not only as a member of Parliament, but also as chair of the Caucus of Black Parliamentarians.
The work you are doing to make our justice system aware of the reality of the status of women is very important. It's commendable, it's essential. I support this bill in its entirety. Having said that, there is a great opportunity for us to include other groups in the objectives of the bill. That is why I am proposing small amendments to indicate that the social context includes not only the issue of the status of women and sexual assault, but also systemic racism and discrimination.
I hope you will support this change, which is broad enough to include groups that experience discrimination, but specific enough to be clear.
A little later, I will present another amendment that is very similar to the one I just proposed.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
The “raise hand” function will serve us all well, so we don't have a free-for-all.
This discussion brings me to a point. I am questioning...and maybe some members from the other parties can answer this. This is our third try at this bill. The bill passed through the House and is now in our committee. It has the support of all parties, I believe, but then we saw this flurry of amendments on Friday. There are some questions being raised about the amendments. I'm sure there are questions about each one of those amendments, and it would be interesting to hear from experts on the impact of each amendment.
We've studied Bill in its current format a couple of times, but these amendments.... It was the wish of the other parties not to have any more witnesses, so there is no expert to speak to the amendments that are being proposed. That is a shame. As a committee, we're proposing amendments but we haven't heard testimony on the specifics of the amendments. That's not how, in my view, we do our jobs as legislators. We want to get the bill right, so to propose a flurry of amendments without having heard testimony that's relevant and could speak to the specifics is leading us, I think, down the wrong path.
This is an interesting discussion, but it would have been nice to hear some witnesses who could speak to these amendments.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I raised my hand because I didn't quite understand what Mr. Fergus meant at the end of his comments. He seemed to be saying that he would support the idea of narrowing the meaning. I think he was agreeing to remove the word “systemic”. Did I understand him correctly?
I'm being told that this was not the case. In that case, I reiterate that this is a problem.
I know the witnesses have talked about it. In fact, everyone is talking about it all over Quebec, and I am convinced that it is the same in the rest of Canada. The word “systemic” has become as fashionable as some of the other words that have been censored and only referred to by their first letter.
That said, we are talking about amending a law. Judges are going to have to commit to receiving training in sexual assault law and social context. There is no problem with that. However, it is now being specified that this training will also have to address systemic racism and discrimination. I don't think there is a real desire to require judges to take training on the concept of systemic discrimination. Rather, it is up to parliamentarians, when passing laws, to ask themselves if there really is systemic discrimination in our organizations.
I agree that judges, who have to interpret legislation, should be trained to be aware of racism and discrimination. I think this is a good thing. However, you want to introduce the word “systemic” in a law, which is a vague notion. As Mr. Fergus himself said, there is no unanimity, but there is some consensus on that. If the committee is aware that a word is not very clear, as legislators we should avoid introducing it into legislation because it will necessarily be challenged in court. There will always be a lawyer who will interpret that word in his or her own way.
If what we want is for judges to be educated about discrimination and racism, then let's say so, and let's avoid introducing concepts that are too confusing to achieve unanimity when the time comes to interpret them.
:
I have a couple of points.
In response to what Monsieur Fortin is raising, I would simply state that the notion of “systemic” is quite critical, and it's a term that's being used appropriately right now by many elected representatives and other individuals.
I would point everyone's consideration to the way Senator Murray Sinclair put it in the last Parliament when we were studying religious discrimination and systemic racism in the heritage committee. He said, “systemic racism is the racism that's left over after you get rid of the racists.” That's a very elegant way of talking about the fact that there is something very different in an individual act motivated by an individual who has mal-intent, versus rules and norms that pervade institutions.
I'll give a tangible example to everyone, because it went right through this justice committee, when we made a change to peremptory challenges of jurors. These are challenges where you can just look at the juror and decide you don't want that person on the jury, without having to motivate why; you've enabled a form of racism in the justice system that is systemic. By eliminating that in the last Parliament's Bill , we tackled a manifestation of systemic racism.
I do think it's very critical, and I would echo the comments you heard from Mr. Fergus and from Mr. MacGregor.
With respect to Mr. Moore's point, I think it's our role to hear the witness testimony and then to gather from it and glean from it proposed amendments, which is exactly what we've done here. The terms “systemic” and “systemic discrimination” were used on a number of occasions by a number of witnesses, thus the formulation of the amendment that you see before you.
Thank you very much.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I hope we were able to clarify my comments to Monsieur Fortin. I did not wish to give the impression that I would be willing to move off the word “systemic”. No. I think it's a very important word, for the reasons that Mr. Virani just pointed out.
Second, just because there is a large consensus, that doesn't mean it's unanimous. However, there is a large consensus, I think, across the country as to the use and meaning of the words “racism” and “systemic discrimination”. I liked what Mr. Virani pointed out in what Senator Sinclair raised as an example.
I would offer another example. Studies have shown that Black or indigenous people are no more likely to commit a crime, all factors kept the same, than non-indigenous or non-Black people, yet when you take a look at our incarceration populations, you will find that Black Canadians are three to four times more overrepresented in our carceral system than non-Black Canadians. For indigenous people, it's worse. It's seven to eight times their demographic weight.
We know, or we strongly suspect, that there are no racists who are administering justice throughout the entire system, even including judges, yet there is something that is going on that's leading to these wonky results. That is the systemic nature of discrimination and racism at work. These are the things that force us to ask these uncomfortable questions, and by including this in the training, we are just heightening people's awareness of it so that they can get at the things they really can't normally see. That's the insidious nature of systemic issues.
I hope, with those examples, that we can move on and achieve consensus around this table that these are important elements to include in this bill.
Thank you.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I support the amendment as well, for the reasons that have been outlined by others, and Mr. Fergus in particular.
As for Mr. Moore's concerns, there was evidence heard by the committee back in February. This isn't identical to the bill that was debated and passed by the House last year—you're quite correct—but the evidence we heard in February I do not believe was available last year, and circumstances have changed. My understanding is that there is almost universal support for this language in this bill, beyond this committee, so I am quite comfortable with that. I respect your concerns, but I am comfortable that the amendment doesn't cause any difficulty because of that.
As for Mr. Fortin's comments about using the word “systemic”, his point was that this may be crossing a line because we're telling judges or signalling to judges—perhaps that's a better way of putting it—what they should be thinking and doing.
I think that argument is more universally applied to this bill, but we've crossed that threshold, Mr. Fortin, and I think the use of the word “systemic” does not cause any difficulty. It's not in any way indicating to judges...nor would judges interpret it as instructionary, if I can use that word. In fact, I think people who are troubled by the suggestion that there is systemic racism should not be worried, because I think that in the context of the courses they take, the pros and cons of all these arguments will be fleshed out. For that reason, I think it's a good move to include it in the amendment and, as I said, I am supporting it.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I want to make three points.
First, I want to correct one thing. Earlier, my colleague Mr. Virani said that peremptory challenges in jury trials constitute systemic racism. I'm sorry, but this issue has nothing to do with systemic racism. When counsel challenges a juror, the reason is that counsel believes that the person wouldn't be appropriate under the circumstances. It may be because of the person's gender or race. It may also be because of their professional training or criminal record, or because they've been a crime victim. Counsel will challenge a prospective juror for any number of reasons, and these reasons have nothing to do with systemic racism. It's something completely different. We must understand this. Otherwise, we'll get nowhere. This was my first point.
Second, the purpose of the bill that we're studying is to ensure that judges receive training on sexual assault. We've been working on this bill for years. It was originally tabled by Ms. Ambrose from the Conservative Party. The Bloc Québécois supported this bill and continues to do so. However, the proposal now is that the bill should go beyond training on sexual assault. The bill should also address racism and discrimination, which are described as “systemic”. We're a long way from the original purpose. We went out to buy potatoes and we're coming home with strawberries. I'm sorry, but this doesn't work. I don't think that we can do this.
I have a third point. The proposed bill concerns sexual assault. If we also want to talk about racism and discrimination, that's fine. It may be appropriate to do so. However, we'll need to create another bill and hear other witnesses speak about this issue. I agree with what Mr. Moore was saying earlier. None of the witnesses who appeared before us came to talk about systemic discrimination or systemic racism.
Again, we're talking about training for judges on sexual assault. Unfortunately, victims of sexual assault who must testify in court after filing a complaint don't always receive the full attention required in light of the crime against them. This is what we wanted to fix. We wanted to make sure that judges understand that a sexual assault victim, male or female, who must testify should be given special consideration in light of the crime committed.
Racism is a broad topic. I'm not saying that it's unworthy. Racism exists and discrimination exists. Should it be addressed? I think so. However, we can't combine this topic with training on sexual assault. We're moving beyond the scope of the bill.
If we want to do this, then we'll reopen the discussion, hear from new witnesses and gather more briefs. Personally, I'll put forward much more specific arguments on the topic.
Today, I'm here to talk about training for judges when it comes to sexual assault trials.
Just for clarity, I do consult with our clerk and the legislative team with respect to whether something is procedurally within the scope of what is being proposed. Also, substantially, it is up to the person who is questioning the admissibility of a certain thing to make their argument, and I will make a ruling after the fact. That is kind of how it's been worked out in the past, and I had my conversations with the clerk as well. I hope that clarifies it for you.
I will put LIB-1 to a recorded vote. Can I see thumbs-up if you want to do a recorded vote?
Mr. Clerk, please do the recorded vote by alphabetical order by member.
(Amendment agreed to: yeas 10; nays 1 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
(Clause 1 as amended agreed to: yeas 10; nays 1)
(On clause 2)
The Chair: Thank you, Mr. Clerk.
Now we move to clause 2, and we'll first go to PV-1.
Just to clarify for everybody, if PV-1 is adopted, LIB-2 cannot be moved, and that is as stated in House of Commons Procedure and Practice: “Amendments must be proposed following the order of the text to be amended. Once a line of a clause has been amended by the committee, it cannot be further amended by a subsequent amendment as a given line may be amended only once.
We'll go on to PV-1.
:
I thank Mrs. Atwin for her participation in the first-ever virtual clause-by-clause, as we muddle our way through it in this Parliament.
I think these are important suggestions being made by the Green Party through Mrs. Atwin. I would reiterate that, from my perspective and that of many of my Liberal colleagues, we are very keen on ensuring that the language that talks about social context covers off and clarifies what social context is meant to include. From our perspective, that is systemic racism and systemic discrimination.
There are other Liberal amendments that follow this that refer to those concepts with exactly that language. That was very deliberate in terms of drafting. It was meant to be as encompassing as possible without going down the path of enumerating certain concepts, classes, groups or demographics, which could open us up to the possibility of having unwittingly or inadvertently excluded some. Rather than enumerate specific categories, we elected to—through some drafting creativity—entrench concepts such as systemic racism and systemic discrimination, which would, hopefully, be large enough to encompass many of the things that have been proposed by many parliamentarians, including Mrs. Atwin.
On that basis, my support would be in favour of LIB-2 rather than in favour of PV-1, so I will be voting against PV-1.
Thank you very much for the floor.
Thank you, Mrs. Atwin, for this helpful suggestion.
:
Thank you, Monsieur Fortin.
Just for clarity, Mr. Clerk, and to the analyst, can we make that requisite translation into French and change the “shall” to “should”?
I'll call the question at this time.
Shall the amendment proposed by Monsieur Fortin carry?
Mr. Clerk, I'll ask you to record the vote, please.
(Amendment agreed to: yeas 10; nays 1 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: Thank you, Mr. Clerk. The amendment proposed by Monsieur Fortin carries.
We'll now go to amendment LIB-3, which has been proposed by Mr. Battiste.
Mr. Battiste, could you speak to it, please?
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I'll start off by saying that this amendment is very similar to the amendment raised by my colleague Greg Fergus in his advocacy on behalf of the Black caucus. I very much appreciate in our deliberations between the Black caucus and the indigenous caucus that there's an opportunity here with this amendment. Canadians expect that judges have the necessary training to understand the complex nature of unconscious bias and how intercultural competency can impact judicial rulings, much like they expect judges to understand how myths around sexual assault and consent can impact their rulings. While we all understand that justice is blind, it's no secret that racialized Canadians face systemic racism in our judicial system.
We need equally systemic solutions to change that. Education is key in combatting unconscious bias. It's something that was spoken to in the TRC calls to action, as well as the missing and murdered indigenous women and girls group.
Just a few days ago, The Globe and Mail published an in-depth investigation on Black and indigenous Canadians in the justice system, where according to the most recent census, indigenous and Black people accounted for 4.8% and 3.5% of the Canadian population, but according to Statistics Canada, they made up 25% and 8.7% of those in federal prisons. Ensuring that judges have training related to systemic racism and discrimination is important, and I think Bill provides us with an opportunity for jurisdictions to do their part in our country's effort to respond to those studies.
When we talked about social context, this is what I felt was Mr. Fergus' intervention, and the amendment gave clarity to what that social context is. We have an opportunity in this committee to take those important steps on reconciliation and on our commitment to addressing systemic racism as well, and while respecting the original intent of the bill, to make it clear what is meant by social context.
Thank you.
:
Thank you, Mr. Fortin. Thank you, Mr. Clerk, for that clarity.
I will call the question now at this time for Monsieur Fortin's proposed amendment to amend clause 3, page 3, line 14, to replace “must” with “should” in that line.
Mr. Clerk, please record the vote.
(Amendment agreed to: yeas 10; nays 1 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: The amendment as proposed by Monsieur Fortin is carried.
Monsieur Fortin, you have the next amendment as well. You can discuss it before we go to vote on the whole clause. Your next amendment, in my understanding, is to clause 3, page 3, line 20. You had inadvertently spoken to it earlier, so I will ask you to continue. What you are proposing is to replace the word “the” with “any” in the context of speaking about a report.
Go ahead, Monsieur Fortin.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I appreciate being able to speak to this at committee.
I was the vice-chair of the status of women committee when we studied Bill when it came to Parliament. I have a signed copy of that bill in my office.
I want to give a shout-out to Ms. Ambrose and to the members of the status of women committee, because we really did a lot of work collaboratively across party lines.
Whether to include written reasons was an issue we discussed at length. When the bill first came to us, we amended it to say that reasons, if they were not recorded, should be provided in writing. I wonder, Madam Chair, if I could read some of the submissions that we received in April of 2017.
Justice Kent, whom I know, appeared before the justice committee. In 2017, she said that if it “allows for audio recordings to be available, that makes a lot more sense.”
In 2017, we had the Office of the Federal Ombudsman for Victims of Crime saying, “ensuring that new legislation does not cause further delays in the criminal justice system is important – something that should be considered with respect to the requirement for a written decision.”
Finally, in a submission from the Native Women's Association of Canada in 2017, they said, “While justice needs to be served as expeditiously as possible, judges should not unreasonably extend the incarceration of Aboriginal offenders while they await the conclusion of trials due to the necessity of written reasons. ... [Generally] Aboriginal offenders fail to be granted bail and are left incarcerated during their trials.”
Madam Chair, the Supreme Court, in R. v. Jordan, set time limits for the courts to give their decisions. While the spirit behind the member's amendment is worthy—and one that I know caused us a great deal of discussion when we were at the status of women committee—at the end of the day, I think it puts an undue burden on the judiciary and in fact could have a negative impact for survivors of sexual assault who want to see the reasons. The recordings are available. That was a concession that we made previously to ensure that there was something available for survivors to have access to.
I just wanted to give that context. While I can't vote, I would not be supporting it if I had the ability to vote. I think it isn't the right thing to be doing.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
:
I have one amendment, PV-4, regarding the preamble. However, because PV-1 was defeated, PV-4 is inadmissible, as there is no amendment to the bill to justify amending the preamble.
Shall the preamble carry?
Mr. Clerk, please record the vote.
(Preamble agreed to: yeas 11; nays 0)
The Chair: Shall the title carry? Do we have unanimous consent?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
The Chair: Shall the bill as amended carry?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
(Bill C-3 as amended agreed to [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: Shall the chair report the bill as amended to the House?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
The Chair: Shall the committee order a reprint of the bill as amended for the use of the House at report stage?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
The Chair: Congratulations, committee. We have now gone through our first hybrid clause-by-clause study. You guys have been wonderful. I really appreciate that.
Before we adjourn, I have a few quick things. The witness list for Bill , as discussed in our steering committee, is due today, so make note of that to be sent to the clerk. Next week we'll be having the minister appear on main estimates and supplementary estimates, as we had agreed at the beginning of this meeting.
If there's no other committee business—