:
I call this meeting to order. Welcome to meeting number 26 of the Special Committee on Canada-China Relations.
Pursuant to the order of reference of Wednesday, September 23, 2020, the committee is meeting on its study of Canada-China relations.
[Translation]
This meeting is in hybrid format, pursuant to the motion adopted by the House on January 25, 2021.
[English]
Pursuant to the motion adopted by this committee on Monday, April 26, 2021, the purpose of today's meeting is for the Public Health Agency of Canada to explain why the requested documents were not provided in accordance with the committee's motion for the production of documents adopted on Wednesday, March 31, 2021.
As a reminder, this motion called for unredacted documents related to the transfer of viruses that occurred in March 2019, and the revocation of security clearances and the termination of employment of two employees of the National Microbiology Laboratory.
[Translation]
These documents were supposed to be submitted to the law clerk and parliamentary counsel by April 20, 2021.
I want to start by thanking the Public Health Agency of Canada for producing the missing documents ahead of time. All the documents, in both official languages, were made available at around noon today to the committee members, who can access them through the digital binders.
Before we welcome the witnesses, I want to clarify for the committee members how we'll proceed this evening with the rounds of questions. Since the clerk has received different opinions from the vice-chairs, I would like to propose a compromise.
[English]
I propose that the witnesses be given up to 10 minutes for their opening remarks and that we do a first round of questions followed by a second round and a subsequent round. We'll then take a health break—this should be around 8 p.m.—and then repeat for another first round followed by a second round and a subsequent round.
Are there any objections to this plan?
Some hon. members: No.
The Chair: I'd also like to remind everyone that while witnesses must answer all questions that the committee puts to them, members have been urged to display “'appropriate courtesy and fairness' when questioning witnesses”, as of course House of Commons Procedure and Practice provides at page 1079.
I would now like to welcome our witnesses.
[Translation]
We're joined by Philippe Dufresne, law clerk and parliamentary counsel at the House of Commons; and Michel Bédard, deputy law clerk and parliamentary counsel at the House of Commons.
[English]
From the Public Health Agency of Canada, we have Iain Stewart, president, as well as Dr. Guillaume Poliquin, acting vice-president, National Microbiology Laboratory.
Finally, from the Department of Justice Canada, we have Christian Roy, executive director and general counsel, health legal services.
Welcome, everyone, and thank you for being here. I will now turn to Mr. Stewart for his opening remarks.
Please proceed.
As mentioned, I'm here with my colleague, Dr. Guillaume Poliquin, and also Christian Roy from the Department of Justice.
Members, I want to begin with the steps we've taken to respond to your motion of March 31.
We've reviewed the relevant documents and worked very hard in a short period of time to prepare the package of documents that will assist you in your study. As I indicated in my letter to your law clerk, Monsieur Dufresne, we've redacted documents where the information pertained to personal information, investigations or security matters. The reason we've done so is that as public servants we're bound by law to keep confidential information confidential. It's not that we're wishing to be unco-operative or unresponsive; we are disclosing as much as we can within the limits of the law.
The Government of Canada's guiding document, entitled “Open and Accountable Government”, has been used for many years to explain the obligations of witnesses before a parliamentary committee. I note in particular the passage in Annex E:
Public servants also have a duty to hold in confidence some of the information that comes into their possession in the course of their duties. There is a tension between that obligation and the request of parliamentarians for disclosure of that same information. When appearing before parliamentary committees, public servants should refrain from disclosing that kind of confidential information, for instance because the information is confidential for reasons of national security or privacy.
That's Annex E of “Open and Accountable Government”.
Consistent with this guidance, in good faith, we've considered how to find ways to respond to the requests for information from the members of the committee within the limitations that we're bound to uphold. These include my obligation under the Privacy Act, which is legislation enacted by Parliament in the House of Commons to protect against the disclosure of personal information and the infringement of the privacy and rights of individuals.
In compliance with that advice, we have applied redactions to protect certain sensitive information. Accordingly, I'll do my best to assist the committee in this study while refraining from divulging information that ought to remain confidential on various grounds. I have no authority to disclose any additional information to you. As you'll see, the limitations on what we can disclose are consistently well documented throughout the package of materials that we've provided to you, which include public communications and documents previously disclosed under the access to information process. The limitations that guided those documents remain in place.
Here's what we can say about the two matters we discussed last time.
You've received many records from the Public Health Agency related to the transfer of Ebola and Henipaviruses from the National Microbiology Laboratory to the Wuhan Institute of Virology in March 2019. The basic chronology of the transfer can be found at page 111 of the package provided to your law clerk. These records demonstrate that when sharing these samples, the NML followed normal internal guidelines and all applicable requirements under the Human Pathogens and Toxins Act, or HPTA, and regulations, as well as the Transportation of Dangerous Goods Act, TDGA, and regulations related to it and the Canadian Biosafety Standard.
Here's how a transfer normally works. The NML routinely receives and shares samples with other public health laboratories to contribute to the advancement of science. Transfers follow strict protocols, including the requirements I just mentioned, as well as NML standard operating procedures. The NML has detailed procedures outlining the steps required for transferring risk group 4 pathogens in accordance with the transportation of dangerous goods regulations. These include detailed procedures outlining step-by-step roles and responsibilities for all involved in the shipment, what documentation is required by the NML and from the receiving laboratory, when to initiate an emergency response assistance plan—an ERAP—notification, as well as how to package the samples. Approvals are required at various steps throughout the process, from the initial transfer authorization to the specific shipping details.
The shipping process for risk group 4 pathogens is outlined under the mandatory ERAP. The plan assists local emergency responders and describes what to do in the unlikely event of a release of materials while they're in transit.
Regarding the March 2019 transfer, documentation of the necessary approvals is evidenced in pages 265 to 271 of the English package, including the NML transfer authorization. A number of the emails relate to the ERAP that was put in place for the shipment, such as at page 132.
However, full redactions were done to the laboratory certification and the letter from the director of the laboratory, as this was third party information.
You will note reference to material transfer agreements, MTAs. It's important to understand that an MTA was not in fact required for virus transfers at the time. An MTA is not a safety requirement but a document that provides a mechanism for transferring controlled materials from one party to another, primarily to safeguard intellectual property rights. As such, IP experts are consulted to determine whether an MTA is required.
While this is the only time we have shared virus samples with this particular lab, collaborations with labs outside Canada are critical to advance public health research into infectious diseases. PHAC's National Microbiology Laboratory is internationally renowned for its scientific excellence and its contributions to global health.
This maximum containment laboratory has a long-standing international reputation for sharing materials for the purpose of advancing scientific knowledge. Given our standing as a WHO collaborating partner for viral fever viruses, as well as our knowledge of regulations and standards for these types of transfers, the laboratory in Winnipeg is often asked to provide materials to new or existing programs, including laboratories in the United States. The NML is open to providing materials to other labs in a safe, responsible and transparent fashion to foster global collaboration rather than enable research on any given disease to be monopolized by specific teams. This is a component of advancing public health research and science aimed at improving public health on a global scale.
You will notice that one of the individuals named in the motion was involved in this transfer. Regarding the situation of the two individuals named in the motion, we have already confirmed that they no longer work for the NML. We have also mentioned that there had been an administrative investigation. We cannot discuss the nature of the administrative investigation, its scope, or its findings. That said, to avoid undue inferences, I want to state again, as is evidenced throughout the documentation that you received, that the fact that the transfer of the viruses took place—which, again, was done in compliance with internal policies and proper approvals—is not connected to the departure of the two employees.
As you know, there is also an RCMP investigation. I cannot comment on that matter, and questions should be directed to the RCMP.
I am happy to take your questions about these documents and answer them as best I can.
Thank you very much.
We still don't know the origin of the coronavirus. That's because the Government of China has blocked the investigation into the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Not only did the Government of China delay the start of this investigation; they also did not allow WHO investigators unfettered access to pursue the scientific evidence. As a result, the world still does not know where the virus came from. Determining the exact origin of the virus is essential if the world community is to prevent the next pandemic. The Government of China has been opaque and anything but transparent when it comes to investigating the origin of the coronavirus.
Here in Canada, we have another investigation going on that concerns viruses, an investigation that concerns the shipment of Ebola and Henipavirus from the National Microbiology Lab in Winnipeg to the Wuhan Institute of Virology on March 31, 2019, just eight months before a global pandemic ostensibly began in the same city.
An investigation that concerned two Chinese scientists employed by this lab in Winnipeg resulted in their termination. Dr. Qiu and Dr. Cheng were terminated on January 20 of this year for—quote, unquote—policy breaches. Here, like in China, the Government of Canada is blocking our investigation into the transfers of these viruses to the Wuhan Institute of Virology and blocking our investigation into why Dr. Qiu and Dr. Cheng were terminated.
The parallel between these two situations is appalling. We live in a parliamentary democracy and we are facing the same impediments to our investigations as investigators are facing as they attempt to discover the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic in China.
Dr. Qiu and Dr. Cheng were escorted out of the lab by the RCMP, along with Chinese students, two years ago on July 5. In the months before they were escorted out, the Government of Canada replaced Dr. Qiu's computer at the lab and denied her permission for trips to China she applied for, but we still don't know why she was terminated.
Dr. Qiu made five trips to China in 2017 and 2018. She was invited to the Wuhan National Biosafety Laboratory of the Chinese Academy of Sciences twice a year for two years, for two weeks at a time. One of those trips was to train scientists and technicians at China's new level 4 virology lab in Wuhan, but we still don't know why these two scientists were terminated from the Government of Canada's lab in Winnipeg, because the Government of Canada is blocking us from getting this information, information that we ordered through a motion that we adopted on March 31 of this year.
Mr. Stewart, you say that you are bound by law. “Open and Accountable Government” is not the law; it is a document produced by the PMO and PCO at the start of this government. It is not the law. Paragraph 8(2)(c) of the Privacy Act is the law, and it says:
for the purpose of complying with a subpoena or warrant issued or order made by a court, person or body with jurisdiction to compel the production of information or for the purpose of complying with rules of court relating to the production of information;
That's the section of the act that says where personal information may be disclosed.
We, as this committee, are a “body with jurisdiction to compel the production of information”. The motion we adopted on March 31 is an order to you to produce unredacted documents about “the transfer of Ebola and Henipah viruses to the Wuhan Institute of Virology” in China and to produce documents with respect to the termination of Dr. Qui and Dr. Cheng.
You are not in compliance with the law as adopted by the Parliament of Canada, entitled the Privacy Act, under paragraph 8(2)(c), which expressly gives us the authority to compel the production of this personal information.
Mr. Stewart, what do you say to the fact that you're not complying with that section of the act?
:
I'm sorry. I was eating my dinner.
Thank you for your public service and thank you for working with this committee to find a solution to protect the privacy of individuals, which we want to do as parliamentarians—this is an act that we passed—but also for providing us with information so that we can better understand the situation at hand. We recognize that this is a balancing act.
Thank you for raising the operating document, “Open and Accountable Government”. As Mr. Chong said, it may not have the force of law; however, it is an operating document that has been quite a rerouting from the previous Harper government, which actually did not want to do open and accountable government and sought various ways to thwart that. I speak of that very knowledgeably, as someone who was an opposition MP during those times. I understand that moment in history.
We are attempting to have an open and accountable government. At the same time, we have questions that we want answered.
You have raised the issue of being in compliance with the Privacy Act as public servants, which you are compelled to do. As you know, this committee is a committee of Parliament, and parliamentarians have certain rights and responsibilities as well. We're trying to square that off. I would like to know a little bit about the legal advice you got with respect to the redactions you put into the documents, which are quite real. We recognize that, and I find them frustrating myself, even as a member of Parliament from the government benches.
Could you explain? You're very welcome to turn to legal counsel from the Department of Justice as well if you're not feeling comfortable. I'm very happy to hear either of you outline the criteria you used as public servants who are obligated to follow that law as well.
I want to thank the witnesses for being here this evening.
Mr. Stewart, I want to thank you for providing the documents, which may not be as complete as we would have liked. We'll have the chance to talk about the documents this evening. I also want to thank you for the explanations that you've provided so far this evening, even though we may find them unsatisfactory.
In any case, on a personal level, I mainly want to know why, if the transfer of these viruses to Wuhan was done properly, the two scientists in question were terminated anyway. This evening, you clearly established—I think that this resolves part of the issue— that the transfer of these viruses to Wuhan isn't related to the termination of the scientists.
That said, we're still waiting for the reasons for these terminations. You seem to consider parliamentarians as mere individuals subject to the law under the Privacy Act, who can't be given information regarding citizens. However, as Mr. Chong pointed out, this act allows certain authorities to request and obtain documents and information.
I suspect that you would never have dared to turn over redacted documents or to refuse to respond to a court. However, in its own way, Parliament is a court. The Privacy Act, like all legislation in Canada, must be constitutional. It must comply with the provisions of the Canadian Constitution, which includes a specific provision called parliamentary privilege that often takes precedence over certain legal provisions. Based on this parliamentary privilege and the provisions of this act, we believe that we have the right to request these unredacted documents and answers to our questions.
Of course, parliamentarians aren't irresponsible. Parliamentarians understand that some personal information shouldn't be publicly disclosed, and that information shouldn't be publicly disclosed if it involves national security issues or criminal investigation matters. As a result, we gave you the option of sharing this information with us in camera, so that we don't disclose the information to the public.
Despite this option provided by parliamentarians, you chose not to respond to any of their requests. Of course, you provided a number of clarifications. However, you failed to provide unredacted documents and to answer the fundamental questions that parliamentarians have been asking since the beginning.
My next question is for Christian Roy.
What's your legal basis for believing that the Public Health Agency of Canada can refuse to respond to a request from parliamentarians in violation of the sections of the Privacy Act referred to by Mr. Chong and in violation of parliamentary privilege?
:
Thank you for your question.
Basically, we recognize the jurisdiction of committees to request documents and to call witnesses. That said, in terms of paragraph 8(2)(c), we're talking about a jurisdiction to compel. There's a difference of opinion here. We don't recognize the committee's jurisdiction to compel in this area.
The fact remains that senior government officials still have obligations to the crown and to the rule of law. They must comply with the legislation passed by Parliament. They also have obligations to the people upon whom Parliament has conferred a right of privacy.
The position that President Stewart stated in his correspondence and in his opening remarks is consistent with the position put forward by senior officials and ministers for at least a decade. This isn't a new position.
In this respect, it basically comes down to whether the committee can ultimately compel the production of information as required by paragraph 8(2)(c).
Thank you.
Mr. Roy, you just explained the obligations by statute—for example, the Privacy Act—that senior public officials have with respect to making documents public. The advice that we have been given and the rulings of the previous Speakers of the House, which are constitutional in nature, provide that committees do have the right to obtain documents whether or not the Privacy Act speaks the way it does, and that anything within the control and knowledge of the executives is available to Parliament, with certain concomitant conventions or obligations on the other part.
You're speaking, I take it, in connection with the obligation of officials with respect to ATIP requests, with respect to privacy legislation and other legislation that might apply when making information available to the public. Am I right?
:
Certainly. Thank you, Mr. Harris.
As indicated in previous appearances that I've made, the committee's powers to send for papers and records comes from section 18 of the Constitution. It comes from parliamentary privilege and gives the power to send for persons and papers. It is at a higher level than ordinary statutes, and Speaker Milliken in his ruling and the Supreme Court of Canada have recognized the primacy of Constitutional provisions, and in particular parliamentary privilege, and indeed the 2015 document cited today in terms of the government's policy refers to Speaker Milliken's decision in 2010.
It's the same authority that is pointed to, and that authority from Speaker Milliken makes it very clear, as does the authority in other Parliaments, that the constitutional authority of committees and of the House supersedes and is not limited by ordinary statutes like the Privacy Act or the Access to Information Act. These are important public policy considerations, but they do not limit. Speaker Millliken was explicit on the point that the statutes do not allow the government to unilaterally determine that something would be confidential.
It may well be that the House and committees will agree with the submissions, but at the end of the day, it is to the committees and ultimately to the House to decide.
Going back to the government document that was cited today, quoting from Speaker Milliken's ruling, the mention was that the committees or the House will often agree with the positions put forward by the government as to a basis for confidentiality. Indeed, the fact that committees have the power doesn't mean they have to exercise it in all cases. There are valid, important public policy considerations.
There are many tools that committees can take: looking at documents in camera, having only committee members have access to the information, having briefings done in a confidential matter, or having the proposed redactions reviewed by a third party, which could be my office.
In the case of the Afghan detainee case, in Speaker Milliken's ruling in 2010 there was the creation of a committee with parliamentarians, arbiters and judges. There was a process, but at the end of the day, the last word was for committees and the House.
The process here that was put forward was that my office would review the documents with the possibility of proposed redactions by the government and that an opinion could be given to the committee.
I want to note at the outset that I think Mr. Chong's questions were manipulated by Mr. Oliphant to imply that he said something he had not said. I think Mr. Chong's points were quite clear, making an argument about how, in our system, we have the supremacy of Parliament, which means that we would expect that when there are investigations into important matters, there would be a greater level of transparency here.
Mr. Dufresne, thank you for your very clear comments about the fact that committees have Constitutional authority to send for documents. It has been upheld by the Supreme Court and by Speaker Milliken's rulings that there are important public policy considerations at play that committee members will take into consideration, and it's ultimately up to them to take those matters into consideration.
Mr. Roy, can you respond to this? If we're to believe your version of reality, that there's no ability for committees to compel documents, then what the hell happened with the Afghan detainee case? What's your interpretation of the events that took place in the Afghan detainee situation, if you don't believe there's a right to compel the production of documents?
:
Yes, Mr. Chair. I'm not sure it's a point of order.
You have ruled that the motion is acceptable, which I understand, because the member had the floor and is able to make a motion. I understand that the motion is relevant to the discussion, so I understand that you would rule in favour.
I think you might want to canvass the other members of the committee. We could move right into that motion, but there may be some really important questions that the other members who have only had one round so far want to raise before we get to that motion.
I think the motion is predicated on the disappointment that Ms. Zann has that we have not had the unredacted documents and is offering a solution, which I think Mr. Harris did hint at towards the end of his questioning when he asked the parliamentary law clerk if he would avail himself to do that kind of work, and he said yes.
I want your thought about whether or not we're now into this debate on the motion. I think it is a good motion and I will be happy to support it, but I also don't want it to cut off Monsieur Bergeron or Mr. Harris or the other members of the committee who may want to ask some questions before we get into it.
I just wanted to figure out how you want to handle that. You're the chair.
I greatly respect and appreciate the effort put forward by Ms. Zann. I do note that adopting a motion without a timeline or a consequence would seem to me to be not as strong as the action the committee has already taken. I would suggest that we add a clear timeline underlining our expectation to receive the documents. If we don't receive the documents, we could have Mr. Stewart back here again, but that would seem to me at a certain point to be banging our heads against the wall. I think we need to report this matter to the House.
Although I completely disagree with Mr. Roy's interpretation of the law here, I got the impression from his comments that he might be more likely to advise compliance if the House ordered the production of the documents. My amendment says that if the documents are not provided, this matter will be referred to the House. Then it is up to the House to request the production of those documents, if they wish. That might carry more weight. I think many of the same issues apply, but that might carry more weight in the eyes of Mr. Roy and Mr. Stewart.
Rather than just repeating ourselves, we should position ourselves to respond if a repeat of the motion is not complied with, and hence, I think, the importance of the amendment.
I had intended to speak to the motion, but I am happy to speak to the amendment.
I support the idea that the motion isn't complete, but I think the amendment is presupposing something that we don't necessarily need to presuppose at this time. I don't think that's about consequences; I think that's about tying the committee's hands too early. We want to take time to do this well.
I won't be supporting the amendment as is, even though I'm not totally against it. What I think I would do if we were to defeat the amendment is amend the motion differently to very explicitly ask for the law clerk to review the documents, which I think was in Mr. Harris' mind, with an eye as to the appropriateness or validity of the redactions and to advise the committee on that.
The law clerk could have two sets of documents, one redacted and one unredacted. He's our lawyer, our legal adviser. He could look at them, review them and give a report to us, and we could then bring him back. At that point, if he advises us that he thinks the documents are inappropriately or overly redacted, we could move a motion similar to what Mr. Genuis would move. I think it's a motion I've heard before. It could make sense, but it presupposes an outcome from an event that hasn't taken place yet.
I don't know whether seven days is appropriate, but I don't see anything wrong with that. I can't really give notice for an amendment, but I'll signal to my colleagues on the committee that I think we should defeat the amendment, as it is premature. It changes the nature of this quite a bit and does something that I think the committee might want to do or might not want to do. Let's take our time and do this one step at a time.
I think that is in the spirit of where we were on the first motion. We now have a fuller set of documents and we brought back the agency. I'm a little nervous that they haven't had full time to explain things, because I think very important questions could be asked by members, but that's okay; we are where we are. Still, let's take our time.
I would advise again—and I'm sorry that I'm repeating myself a third time—that it would be important to defeat the amendment. However, let's very clearly ask the law clerk to do a task for us and advise us. Then we can entertain the kind of motion that Mr. Genuis has in mind.
:
Mr. Chair, I have the unpleasant feeling that I've been robbed of my time. Nevertheless, I'll speak about the amendment moved by Mr. Genuis.
First, here's what I would have wanted to say, if I had been able to speak in the second round. For their own reasons, the people at the Public Health Agency of Canada chose not to publicly disclose the information requested. The committee gave them the option of disclosing this information to the law clerk and parliamentary counsel for the House of Commons, so that he could advise us on how to handle the information.
As I said earlier, parliamentarians aren't irresponsible. They won't seek to publicly disclose any personal information, or information that could affect national security, or information related to criminal investigations.
As a result, I believe that the initial plan was to ask the Public Health Agency of Canada to provide the unredacted documents through the law clerk and parliamentary counsel, who would advise us on how to proceed. That's how I would interpret the motion that the clerk referred to a few moments ago.
Surprisingly, the Public Health Agency of Canada didn't reach out to the committee members to share information that may not have been released to the public. It ultimately treated the parliamentary committee like any other individual subject to the law who requested information from the agency.
Mr. Chair, I'm afraid that we're clearly headed towards an escalation, and the Public Health Agency of Canada won't come out on top. That's what I wanted to say earlier. I thought that the agency must understand that it has a vested interest in working with the committee, with parliamentarians.
As I said, we're reasonable people. I don't believe that any of us want to misuse or inappropriately use the documents or information provided in a way that violates the provisions of the Privacy Act, jeopardizes national security or undermines criminal investigations. As a result, we would handle the information with the care that the circumstances require.
I can see that the Public Health Agency of Canada, on the advice of Mr. Roy, keeps on saying that the committee doesn't have the jurisdiction to obtain this information, these documents.
This goes against the advice provided again this evening by the law clerk and parliamentary counsel, who obviously referred to the constitutional provisions in this area and to the ruling of both the Supreme Court and Speaker Milliken. Nevertheless, Mr. Roy keeps on saying that the committee doesn't have this jurisdiction.
My concerns are becoming a reality. We're heading towards an escalation. I don't think that the Public Health Agency of Canada would benefit from this escalation.
That said, I agree with Mr. Genius that Ms. Zann's motion, which I think was very well intentioned, didn't go far enough. It was much less far-reaching than the earlier motion that we passed. Not only was there no timeline, but there were no consequences.
To pick up on Mr. Oliphant's points, I believe that Mr. Oliphant's proposal was already included in the motion that we passed, namely, that if the agency were to refuse to provide the documents, Mr. Stewart and his officials would be called by this committee. This is now taking place.
There's no point in repeating this for the umpteenth time. We've clearly reached a dead end. The Public Health Agency of Canada, on the advice of Mr. Roy, is deliberately refusing to provide the information requested by the committee, either through the law clerk and parliamentary counsel or through other means.
This pains me. I really wish that we could have found an acceptable compromise with the officials from the Public Health Agency of Canada and with Mr. Roy. As I've said repeatedly, we're reasonable people. There's no reason why parliamentarians would want to overstep their bounds and publicly release information in a way that violates the provisions of the Privacy Act, jeopardizes national security or undermines police investigations.
However, the Public Health Agency of Canada and Mr. Roy don't have the authority to determine whether they must produce these documents. This obligation is legal—it exists—and, in light of this deliberate and repeated refusal, I have no choice but to announce that I'll vote in favour of the amendment moved by Mr. Genuis.
I'm happy to join in this debate on the motion by Ms. Zann and the amendment by Mr. Genuis.
First of all, I suppose I'm a little disappointed that we didn't get to ask more questions about the nature of the documents and what other documents there were that were already made public—or whether these were made public already—so we would know a little bit more about the nature of what else is there, but I guess we're already into this particular debate now.
I will say this. I believe that Mr. Waugh either misrepresented or misapprehends—and I say this with great respect—the ruling of Speaker Milliken. I say this from some experience, because I was on the Afghanistan committee that requested these documents under parliamentary procedure. The request was turned down and the matter went to the House. There was a lengthy debate in the House, which I participated in. The ruling was very clear that the House of Commons and the committees were entitled to these documents. Whatever documents were available, the committees were entitled to them, and if the committees couldn't get them, the House would be able to make an order.
The only distinction was one that we've provided for here: Speaker Milliken said that he would delay making an order until the parties in the House had an opportunity to determine the measures they might wish to take to protect the public interest with respect to the release of the documents, because these were matters of international relations that involved potential breaches of the Geneva Convention and very serious matters of breaches of international law.
What happened was that a committee was formed—I was a part of the committee—to determine what the nature of the mechanisms would be. The committee, in the majority—and I wasn't a part of the majority—decided on a particular route to go and presented it in a report to the Speaker. The Parliament in majority—it was a minority government—supported a particular method of dealing with the documents, and the Speaker said that he would then implement it.
In our wisdom, or lack thereof—depending on what ultimate ruling might be made—we have provided for that in our consideration of the request for the documents. We knew we were entitled to the documents. We had advice from Mr. Dufresne as to what the rules are. We went through the process and got proper legal advice from the parliamentary counsel. That advice was consistent with the ruling of Speaker Milliken, which was a very seminal ruling, and in fact is probably the leading case on that subject in the Westminister parliamentary democracies.
We provided for that in paragraph (b) of our ruling, saying that the law clerk shall “discuss with the committee, in an in camera meeting, information contained” in the documents and look at the ones that “in his opinion, might reasonably be expected to compromise national security or reveal details of an ongoing investigation”, etc., so that the committee then may determine how to maintain the public interest in keeping the matters private.
That was the step that happened after the Speaker said that Parliament was entitled to these documents. We have taken that step.
If Mr. Waugh decided that he wanted to engage in a discussion with the committee as to what measures we proposed and whether he was satisfied with them, that would have been a different matter. What Mr. Waugh was essentially saying was, “No, you don't have those powers. You're not entitled to these documents.” That's not what the ruling said.
We really don't have much choice at this point but to find out whether or not the ruling of Speaker Milliken is going to continue to be upheld. This ruling in fact laid the groundwork for allowing committees to do their work in Parliament and follow the convention that.... This convention wasn't invented by the House of the Parliament of Canada. It's been used in other legislatures and parliaments elsewhere in the world to ensure that Parliament has its rights to access these documents but that Parliament will undertake to find ways of ensuring the public interest is protected.
That's what's before us now, and I think Ms. Zann's motion was quite in order. I haven't seen the written amendment, so before we would even vote on it or choose the wording or decide whether to amend it, I think we should all have a copy of it so we can look at it ourselves.
I think it is incumbent upon us not to let this matter drop and say, “Thank you very much, Mr. Roy; we'll accept your argument”, because we don't agree with that argument. Unless Mr. Dufresne tells us that we're going down the wrong road here, I think we must proceed to obtain the opinion of the Speaker of the House for starters, and the House itself, to be able to determine what documents we are going to receive.
It is a fundamental constitutional principle that has been clearly stated by Mr. Dufresne, and if the government or the civil servants in this case—I don't know who's making the decision or whether they're making the decision themselves or on instructions from someone else—decide that this is going to be an impasse, then we have no other choice, no other course of action open to us, except to proceed. There may be further discussions about the best way of protecting the public interest, but that's a discussion that's taken on the basis that we are entitled, as members of Parliament, under the parliamentary privilege rules, to have access to these documents.
If we could have a copy of the documents and have a further opportunity to discuss whether this is the exact.... As Mr. Oliphant says, there may be another route to go, other than the specifics of this motion, but I think the general thrust of the amendment should be followed, and we should move further than we've gone so far.
:
Could I just quickly clarify my motion by responding to Madam Clerk?
First, I just sent you an email with the French version, so hopefully that version allows the motion to be distributed.
Second, I was very intentional in this amendment in not raising the question of the privileges of the committee. I understand that questions of privilege have different implications for the House and that is a further option that the committee has before us. I would propose, if it's agreeable, given that you've done the work in preparing that draft report, that you do distribute it to members so we can have it for our consideration, but that is not the amendment I'm proposing.
The amendment I'm proposing—and you noted this in your comments—would say that if the documents are not provided within seven days, that a report be sent to the House, which if concurred in would amount to a House order for the production of the documents. It would still, at that point, not be a privilege issue; it would be a House order.
Madam Clerk, correct me if I'm wrong, but I have intentionally stopped short of taking this to the furthest possible extreme.
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Okay, I'm getting somewhere here. I think it was helpful for Mr. Genuis to explain his amendment a bit more fully. He may be surprised, but I don't hate it. I think there's something helpful in it. However, I still think it's premature.
Because we have Mr. Stewart here today, I'd like to engage him a bit on this. We have heard from his lawyer at the Department of Justice, but we haven't been able to engage with the Public Health Agency to see if we can come to some agreement with it about what we could promise to do or undertake to get the information we want.
I am going to be very clear, and this is going to be one of those awful Rob Oliphant moments.
Even though we have many lawyers in the room, lawyers are not always right. Department of Justice lawyers are particularly, in my mind, not always right. They were beaten at the Supreme Court of Canada on the genetic discrimination law, which they fought all the way through, so I have learned to now question our Department of Justice lawyers. This has happened more than once. Department of Justice lawyers advised CSIS with respect to retention of data and information. When I chaired the public safety committee, I was horrified that for 10 years the Department of Justice had advised CSIS with respect to retaining information.
I say that to caution the Public Health Agency of Canada to get a second opinion. It's full of doctors. You need a second opinion, because I think the justice department is not giving you the best advice. I know that is very difficult, and I am on the government side, but I am concerned.
This follows up on what Mr. Bergeron said. We value the public service of the Public Health Agency of Canada. We want to work with you in a way that gets us the information we want and assures you that we will maintain the integrity of that information. Maybe we could do it the way Ms. Zann has suggested with respect to having our lawyer review it first. There may be another option you can come up with that gets us out of this situation without it being as big a deal as it's becoming.
If it gets there, I will support Mr. Genuis in taking it to the House and affirming that. I will absolutely do that. However, I think there has to be some give-and-take in this discussion.
You're here and you have counsel. However, your counsel has drawn a line in the sand that I disagree with. I don't think it stands up to our understanding of not only our constitutional right but also of our responsibility as parliamentarians. We have a responsibility, because ultimately there's a supremacy of Parliament over the other branches of government. Ultimately, that's it.
I'm wondering how we can get ourselves out of this kind of a motion about this and that and find a way to say, “What would it take?” If we can't, I get it. If there's nothing we can do to assuage your concerns about privacy and your integrity as the public service, given the laws that you fall under, I get it. Then we'll go with Mr. Genuis' route and go to the House to see where that leads us.
I'm just trying to find a more constructive way to get us into this and get us out of it so that we have the information we need to fulfill our responsibility and you have the assurance that you aren't breaking laws and that your integrity is intact. We don't want to do otherwise. You're an important agency under a huge stress at this time.
Also, let's be very clear: As parliamentarians, we know that [Technical difficulty—Editor], and I've worked with the Public Health Agency in the past. You don't know this, but I got grants from them. That was in my previous life at the Asthma Society of Canada.
We know you're busy all the time, and you now have a pandemic. You are hugely busy. We don't want to cause more problems. We want to find a solution and do our work. Sometimes with parliamentary procedure, following the rules takes us far down into these motions when we could just stop and try to work this out.
To repeat, if there's nothing we can do to assuage your worry, we'll have to go down the route of reporting to the House, and I will support Mr. Genuis' amendment to the motion.
I don't know how we do this in a procedural way, Mr. Chair, but can we find some way for a non-committee member to talk during a debate on a motion that was moved when we were still questioning the witnesses? That's the awkward part. I think that with unanimous consent we could have Mr. Stewart respond, even though he's not a member of the committee, but that's up to you.
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No. I appreciate Mr. Oliphant's comments and I understand that there are various ways to go.
We're obviously looking to find out the truth of the matter so that we can determine whether we can do our duty and fulfill our obligation, as Mr. Oliphant pointed out, to make a determination of whether there's a matter of sufficient public interest for this committee to go further.
We're talking about the amendment. With regard to what Mr. Stewart may think of this turn of events, he may think nothing of it and just rely on the legal advice he's been given. I agree with Ms. Zann, by the way, as to what her original motion was, but the amendment that Mr. Genuis has made suggests a somewhat different procedure than what our committee originally decided on in terms of how to handle this matter. As far as giving the documents to the law clerk goes, I think it's the same.
Then there's this significant difference between what Mr. Genuis' amendment proposes and what's in part (b) of our motion.
In our original motion, it says that the law clerk will get the unredacted documents. Then the law clerk and parliamentary council should:
discuss with the committee, in an in camera meeting, information contained therein, which in his opinion, might reasonably be expected to compromise national security or reveal details of an ongoing criminal investigation, other the existence of an investigation, so that the committee may determine which information is placed before committee
In other words, acting on the advice of the parliamentary law clerk, with the knowledge of what's in the documents and what kind of investigation it is, etc., the decision of what's to be made public and what's not is in the hands of the committee.
In the case of Mr. Genuis' amendment, the documents would be deposited with the law clerk no later than two weeks, etc. The law clerk and the parliamentary council shall remove information that could “reasonably be expected to compromise national security, or reveal details of an ongoing criminal investigation other than the existence of...”, etc. Then these documents are to be laid on the table of the House by the Speaker at the next opportunity after they're vetted, I guess, and referred to the committee.
That puts the law clerk in the position of being a judge of what is.... It's his opinion. He decides and take the documents away. That takes away the decision of the committee as to what is relevant or what is being done and puts it in the hands of the clerk.
That may be more acceptable to the committee, and it's up to the committee to accept this approach. I prefer, in fact, the original wording of our committee as a way to go, which is that we have someone who receives the documents initially. They are kept in secret and in private. We receive advice on how to handle them and we govern ourselves accordingly. That's fine with me. That's the proper way to go.
The other procedure is a little bit more bureaucratic in one sense: It turns the law clerk into a judge, which he may not wish to be, in fact. That's a different matter.
I think that's worth knowing. It's the reason that I would ask Mr. Genuis to explain why he chose that method instead of asking the House of Commons to determine that our procedure in fact be followed. That's a point that I wanted to make.
I want to go back to what Mr. Oliphant was saying. I'm not sure we're in a position to negotiate in public with Mr. Stewart as to what would be acceptable to him. It doesn't seem to me that we have all the tools at our disposal to be able to do that tonight at this meeting. I think it would be worth hearing whether or not there has been some decision made in the bowels of the Public Health Agency or the government that this matter is black and white as far as they are concerned. Are they going to go to the wall on this issue, or is there potential for further discussion with the Public Health Agency of Canada as to how to get to the bottom of this?
In essence, we don't know what's going on. We shouldn't be going on a fishing expedition, but we should have some better knowledge of what is in these other documents and what is going on that is being kept from us. With that, we can determine whether it's not a matter that we have any interest in or whether it's a serious matter that deserves further investigation, one that the committee has an obligation to look further into by going the distance and making sure that all of those documents are made available to us.
In the absence of any of that, we really don't have much choice but to proceed further.
First, to respond to Mr. Oliphant's comments, I think it's important to underline that Mr. Stewart and the Public Health Agency retain many off-ramps after this motion with the amendment passes, if it passes.
This motion calls for the production of documents within seven days. Of course, the easiest off-ramp would be for the Public Health Agency to then provide the documents; then there's no report to the House.
If they wish to pursue a compromise proposal, they could certainly bring that to members, and through members to the House; and the House could decide not to proceed with a concurrence motion, because a request by the House for documents only takes effect if it is concurred in by the House, which is far from an automatic process.
There are other steps available in the next seven days and prior to a prospective concurrence. Seven days from now is a break week. Any concurrence couldn't possibly happen until the following week.
I would suggest that this motion puts in place a series of initial steps that can be taken, but it doesn't oblige the taking of those steps and it leaves the door open for compromise.
My suggestion would be very much, I think, in the spirit of Mr. Oliphant's comments: Let's adopt the amendment and the motion and let's encourage PHAC to take those off-ramps, but note that we have a path laid out if they choose not to.
Mr. Harris, rather than give you my motivations for wording it the way I did, let me just say I'm persuaded by your arguments and would support an amendment along the lines that you proposed.
In terms of procedures, I'm trying to keep up.
First, Ms. Zann moved a motion. Mr. Genuis then moved an amendment and Mr. Harris moved another amendment. However, when Mr. Oliphant moved his motion, it was put to a vote right away.
Mr. Chair, I would like you to coordinate these amendments and subamendments in order to come up with a motion so that we can vote in a reasonable manner on what has been presented, because there are several changes. There's also Mr. Fragiskatos' suggestion.
As you know, the steps are as follows: proceed with the amendments, vote on the amendments, and then move on to the subamendments, until the passage of the final motion. It would be nice to work that way, Mr. Chair, with all due respect.
I think that, as parliamentarians, we have come a long way together. I agree wholeheartedly with Mr. Harris's comment about the importance of being unanimous.
I think that Mr. Fragiskatos is proposing an honourable compromise. I believe that we should accept this proposed compromise unanimously, by consensus, and that we should pass the whole thing unanimously as well. I don't want us to be divided in any way.
I think that the unanimity referred to by Mr. Harris has merit and that, given the steps taken by our colleagues on the government side, we should accept this proposed compromise, Mr. Chair.
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I hated to do this, because we're getting into a problem. I drew a chart of what is supposed to happen, and this is not making sense to me now.
The first problem is that I think Ms. Zann's motion presupposes two sets of documents being compared, and I think that we've kind of lost that in the wording. It doesn't say that. However, I think her intention is that we have the redacted documents and the unredacted documents, and that they are compared and we are advised on.... “Fairness” is a word that I use all the time; it's sort of churchy and theological, and it has a just thing. I think “suitability” or “appropriateness” probably is the better word there.
There is a process, then, that we would engage. We would ask for the whole document to be given by the Public Health Agency of Canada to our lawyer. He and his shop would review them as to the suitability, based on the criteria that we already laid out in our very first motion. He would come back to us and tell us that it is suitable, in his mind. He doesn't do the redactions; he has two sets of documents.
Then if that doesn't happen—if we either don't get the documents in an unredacted form or we find them unsuitable—we have a process whereby we go to the House, and there's an order. They're then retrieved by the House, and I don't quite know how that happens, because I have several little cliffs in my drawing where I can't find the logic. Then we have something else that happens.
We also can't tell the Speaker what to do. I mean, that language.... I was just trying to figure out.... We can't presuppose. We can pass a motion and take it to the House, and the House can then do something, but we can't tell the Speaker what to do. The Speaker will do what the Speaker wants to do and will rule on something, and then we'll have something happen.
There's a string of pearls here that we put together that doesn't really work. I can let it go and just say, “Let the chips fall where they may,” but I'm not sure that we have a coherent set of steps. I was trying to say that because I wasn't sure when and where the law clerk got the documents and what he was supposed to do with them, and to whom he was supposed to report. To me, it felt like there was something not working.
That's where I'm at. I've only had a chance to draw out the problem. I haven't had a chance to come up with a solution, because I think the committee is getting to be of a mind.... In very general terms, we want the ability to find out what's in those documents. We would trust our lawyer to first see them and advise us, but then we would want to see them all if he says that these are inappropriate. We also would want to go to the House to be backed up and have a Speaker's ruling to make sure that what we are doing is within parliamentary procedure, and we would make that demand and give them another chance to get them back to us. Then the Speaker would decide what the ultimate consequences would be. We wouldn't decide what the ultimate consequences would be.
I like the intent of, I think, where we're all at. I think there's an agreement now about this, but I'm just not sure how it's supposed to actually mechanically happen and whether it makes sense.
I support Garnet Genuis' amendment. I support it because we need the unredacted documents from PHAC. PHAC is telling us, and has been telling us and the media, that the termination of Dr. Qiu and Dr. Cheng had nothing to do with the emergence of the coronavirus late in 2019. PHAC has been telling us and telling members of the media that the shipment of Henipavirus and Ebola virus to the Wuhan Institute of Virology had nothing to do with the emergence of the coronavirus late in 2019, ostensibly in Wuhan.
There is no doubt about a couple of things. There is no doubt that Dr. Qiu and Dr. Cheng worked at the National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg, Manitoba. There is also no doubt that in order to work there, you need secret level clearance, clearance that they must have had in order to work there. There is no doubt that the National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg co-operated closely with the Wuhan Institute of Virology. There is no doubt that Dr. Qiu shipped Ebola virus and Henipavirus to the Wuhan Institute of Virology on March 31, 2019, only eight short months before the emergence of the coronavirus. There is no doubt that she trained technicians at that very institute of virology to establish a level 4 lab, the only level 4 lab in the People's Republic of China. There is no doubt that the coronavirus emerged ostensibly in Wuhan a number of months later.
There have been references in this committee about conspiracy theories. Let me quote Ian Bremmer, who is anything but a conspiracy theorist.
Today he said this: “China’s unwillingness to co-operate with the World Health Organization in investigating the coronavirus’s origins has made it impossible to substantiate how the disease came into existence, thereby obscuring the scientific response. Indeed, despite all the claims of conspiracy, the theory that COVID actually was inadvertently released from a Wuhan biolab remains both plausible and deeply concerning.
That's from Ian Bremmer. I might add that the former chief of staff to the Prime Minister has a colleague of his at his Eurasia Group.
There are two theories about how the coronavirus emerged. One is that it was zoonotic, and the other is that it somehow came out of this National Institute of Virology lab in Wuhan. It's not just Ian Bremmer who is saying this. It is people like Nicholas Wade, a well-respected science writer who was the former deputy editor of Nature magazine, a reputable peer-reviewed science magazine. He also worked at Science magazine, another peer-reviewed academic publication, and he worked for many decades at The New York Times. He wrote a piece just five days ago asking questions about where this coronavirus emerged from.
The reason I raise this point is that the Government of Canada's National Microbiology Laboratory closely co-operated with the Wuhan Institute of Virology, and the Canadian public has the right to know what the extent of that co-operation was, why these two scientists there were terminated, and what exactly happened with the transfer of Henipavirus and Ebola virus, as well as any other workings and goings-on between a Government of Canada institution and this virology lab in Wuhan.
That's why we need to get this information. In a parliamentary democracy, the public has the right to know.
I hope this committee, before it adjourns today, adopts the motion as amended and compels PHAC to produce this information, information that is not only required under precedents set by—
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Mr. Chair, with respect, I don't take the floor very often in this committee, relative to many other members, and I'm speaking to a point that's very relevant to the amendment at hand and the main motion at hand.
The issue is this. Dr. Qiu trained people at the Wuhan Institute of Virology so that it could be registered as a level 4 lab, the only level 4 lab in China. Why is that relevant? It's because the State Department of our closest ally and trading partner said earlier this year that the standards at the lab were not upheld, that they weren't operating to level 4 criteria, that they were often operating with very dangerous viruses at level 2 or level 3.
That's why we need these documents. We need to know what the Government of Canada was doing through the National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg with respect to co-operating with the Wuhan Institute of Virology in Wuhan, China.
That's why we need these documents. We are a parliamentary democracy, and under two sets of conditions we have the right to these documents. As my colleagues have outlined and as the law clerk has outlined, there are precedent-setting rulings that Speaker Milliken issued in—
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Thank you, Mr. Chair. I will wrap up quickly.
What I am raising is entirely relevant, and these are not conspiracy theory-driven questions.
Nicholas Wade published questions five days ago in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, which is a reputable organization. Ian Bremmer is raising questions about the origins of this virus and the role that the Wuhan Institute of Virology played. Other people are raising questions. This is not in some dark part of the web, driven by conspiracies. These are reputable people raising very real questions.
Our question for us as Canadian parliamentarians is what role the National Microbiology Laboratory had in co-operating with this Institute of Virology in Wuhan. They trained them to a level 4 standard. They sent scientists and viruses over there. We need to know what the co-operation was and why Dr. Qiu and Dr. Cheng were terminated. We need to know what exactly happened in this situation.
Let me finish by saying this. We are a parliamentary democracy, and under two sets of conditions, we have the right to these documents.
As my colleagues previously mentioned, Speaker Milliken's ruling of 2010 was precedent-setting, not just in the Canadian House of Commons but in parliaments throughout the Commonwealth. That ruling made it clear that parliamentary committees in the House have the right to seek papers and other documents from the Government of Canada without restriction, which is exactly what we did in the motion we adopted on March 31, some five weeks ago. These are documents that we have not yet received in unredacted form, as we requested.
Statute law itself says that in respect of personal information, our committee, under paragraph 8(2)(c), has the right to have it, yet we are being stonewalled during a pandemic when the authorities of Parliament and its ability to hold the government accountable are already curtailed.
For all those reasons, I hope that by the end of this committee in half an hour, we will adopt the amendments and the motion that ensure that PHAC provides us with this information, because the Canadian public deserves to know.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
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I think we're in agreement on the fact that we want the papers. I am confused as to what that argument was about. We want the papers. I don't think anyone on the committee said that we don't want the papers. We want to exercise our parliamentary privilege. We get that.
I would say, having a Speaker's ruling—and it may be a question that Mr. Dufresne can answer for us, but I'm not even going to get in there.... I think there is an issue in that just because the Speaker of the House says the House has authority doesn't mean that the Supreme Court also said that. He has told us a couple of times that the Supreme Court said that. I've never seen a citation, so I'm not sure what that is.
I'd be happy at some point to see that Speaker Milliken's ruling was upheld in a court of law, because if one branch of government says it can get something.... Well, of course they're going to say they're going to get something, because that's their job.
That said, I don't think we're arguing about that right now. We all agreed that this is an important set of documents. We want to do it carefully. We want to do it judiciously. We want to make sure that there could be some way we could negotiate with PHAC, to find a way that they could exercise their authority and responsibility and we could exercise ours. We're not arguing.
What I am disagreeing with are far-fetched ideas that even hint at some association that makes no sense, that there is something embedded in these documents that's going to solve the world's question about where the coronavirus, COVID-19, came from. I think that's bad rhetoric. I think it's misinformation. I think it's drawing associations that should not be drawn together at a committee of Parliament, and I think it just seeds the oddest ideas in other people's heads.
Let's get out of this. I'm happy with this motion. I think it's going to be pretty hard to figure out exactly where we go with it and how it gets operationalized, but I can live with it. I can live with the motion. Get it done.
There's a certain vilification that's going on here too, that I think is very problematic. I'd just like us to get this motion done, and we'll figure it out.
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Mr. Chair, I honestly feel as though I've missed an episode. Everything was going great, we were about to adopt a motion on which there was a consensus, and now, here we are, caught up in an altogether different debate with somewhat heated rhetoric. I thought we were at a different point. We all understood the situation. We all agreed that we wanted to obtain the documents, to get to the bottom of the matter and to understand what happened.
It now seems as though some of my fellow members are worried that the motion is being adopted too quickly and that they won't be able to carry on their vengeful diatribe or whatever this is. It is bizarre, to say the least. As my mother, who's from the Lower St. Lawrence, would say, “things are getting worse, not better.”
We should be voting on a motion on which we all agree. How did we get to this bizarre place when everybody was in agreement? New tensions have emerged, not only between committee members and some of the witnesses, but also among committee members, themselves. I don't understand how we got here. I'm shocked and disappointed, Mr. Chair.
We should vote right away. We are indeed wasting time, and I fear the meeting will end before we have a chance to adopt the motion.
In the spirit of co-operation that has defined the dynamic among committee members since the meeting began, can we not just come back to the motion we were getting ready to vote on—a motion we all agreed on, a motion we could adopt unanimously, Mr. Chair?
To the point at hand, I think what we have now put together is, first of all, that we ask that the Public Health Agency of Canada provide the documents to the parliamentary law clerk, which we've already asked for, who will review and ascertain the fairness of the report for the committee using the existing procedure. If they don't do that, we ask for an order of the House to do exactly the same thing, with one exception. At the end of doing what our motion says, as discussed with the committee, we somehow add “and these documents be laid on the table by the Speaker at the next earliest opportunity”.
I think that's superfluous at this point and that everything after the word “public” in amended paragraph (b) is superfluous, because the House then orders something consistent with our motion, which is that the documents be given to the clerk. The clerk then discusses them with the committee, and we decide. Then we carry on. We don't send them back to the House and then they come back to the committee. That's an unnecessary step.
I thought I had eliminated that when I moved my amendment, but apparently that didn't happen. We still have paragraph (c) in the original amendment by Mr. Genuis. This is part of the problem, I guess, of dealing with documents on the fly. I want to propose an amendment: that we delete all the words after “before a committee in public” as they appear in paragraph (b) of the now amended motion, and that it end with the word “public”.
Does anyone wish to debate the proposed amendment?
Does anyone oppose the proposed amendment?
Mr. Genuis does, so I'll ask the clerk to take the vote.
(Amendment agreed to: yeas 7; nays 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings] )
The Chair: We are now back on the main motion as amended.
I see no one else wishing to debate it, so I'll ask the clerk to take the vote on the main motion.
(Motion as amended agreed to: yeas 11; nays 0 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: Mr. Genuis, go ahead.
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Mr. Chair, I want the witnesses to know that, as they observed—except during the tail end of our discussion on the motion—parliamentarians unanimously agree on the right of committees to send for papers and information and that they are determined to move ahead.
I said before that we had given you an opportunity to find common ground. That opportunity stands. What I would like most is to not have to involve the Speaker, who would inevitably rule against you, placing you in a most awkward position.
I want to stress that we are reasonable people whose goal is not to publicly disclose personal information, information related to national security or information related to a police investigation.
Now that we, as parliamentarians, have given you those assurances and extended an opportunity to find a resolution through common ground, one that would save us from having to take a more radical approach, are you receptive to that or should we expect an equally unsatisfying response from you in the days ahead?
I would underscore what Mr. Bergeron just said in terms of the sincere attempt by our committee to formulate a way for the Public Health Agency of Canada to comply with the orders and requests for documents and at the same time serve to protect the necessary public interests in not having documents made public or information made public that should not be. We are, in fact, charged with that responsibility as part of our duties of Parliament.
I would urge legal counsel—Mr. Roy, if you're still going to be doing this, or anybody who's doing this—to have a very thorough look at the decision and the ruling of Mr. Milliken, the context in which it was made, the references it took, and the fact that they're dealing with parliamentary law, which is a branch of constitutional law from the U.K. on down. They don't even call it constitutional law in the U.K.; they call it administrative law. It's about decision-making, the powers of Parliament and the powers of the various branches of Parliament, which are adopted into our Parliament. The ruling of Mr. Milliken should be serving as a beacon to the rest of those parliaments that act like ours, with a constitutional set-up and responsible government.
I think it's incumbent for those thorough investigations to be made and to consult with people who are experts in parliamentary law. I think you will find that this is a very good decision and that our method of allowing the documents to be given to our committee is one that is well within that. I would urge you to take that very seriously indeed, and hopefully we'll be able to reach a conclusion that's satisfactory to the committee and that allows us to continue our investigation.
I won't ask you to comment on that.