:
Mr. Chair, many of us in the House and across Canada have been thinking about Ukraine in recent days and weeks as violence, unfortunately, has swept across the Maidan, Kiev's Independence Square, and across other parts of the country, taking the lives of too many innocent people.
I would like to start by recapping the role the Canadian government has tried to play in this crisis from the outset. It is one of leadership and based on a principled stand in favour of the aspirations of the Ukrainian people, including freedom for the Ukrainian people; a return to democracy; obviously full protection of human rights, which were being trampled all too often in recent days and weeks; and further commitment to develop the rule of law in that country, which is still emerging from the Soviet legacy that distorted its institutions so badly, and which so richly deserves a brighter future based on a market economy, on integration with Europe, and in line with the aspirations of the people.
This crisis has been some time in coming. Back in November there was very forceful diplomacy under way to bring about an historic agreement between Ukraine and the European Union. It was an association agreement. It seemed to have wide, popular support in Ukraine. It certainly had been devised based on long and deep consultations throughout the member states of the European Union.
Then suddenly on November 21, that prospect was gone. There were immediate protests and then through the month of December. Violence started in January. Canada was alongside the Ukrainian people every step of the way, with many in the House, and certainly our leadership on the government side, making public statements regularly. I do not know how many statements were made by the , but it was certainly a large number, urging that the association agreement be embraced by the government. When that did not happen, we urged restraint and that no further steps be taken back from what we and the Ukrainians take to be their economic destiny. Then when the violence began, we focused on using our voice and joining it with those of like-minded partners and allies around the world to make sure that the violence stopped.
The violence did not stop. By late January, we found ourselves in the position of having to take an unprecedented step regarding Ukraine, putting in place a travel ban on those members of the Yanukovych regime who had been responsible at that time for limited but very serious violence. The deaths then numbered around a dozen.
Then we came to the month of February and the violence got worse. Dozens of people, close to 100, well over 80, were confirmed to have been killed. This threat was during the spectacle of the Sochi Olympics, which had certain Soviet aspects and certainly a salute to Soviet history, a somewhat airbrushed Soviet history, in the opening ceremonies. The Sochi Olympics held the splendour, the grandeur, the triumph of our athletes, whom we are all very proud of.
Only a few hundred miles away, this tragedy was unfolding in the streets of Kiev. We were caught in that paradox, obviously deeply concerned by the fact that those courageous protestors who had chosen to put their lives on the line in the centre of Kiev might face brute force from their own government on a very large scale, including from the army.
Last week we took the difficult but necessary decision to announce that sanctions would be imposed on those members of the regime who were perpetrating the violence, bringing this unnecessary suffering onto the Ukrainian people, literally holding their dreams and aspirations hostage.
However, as members know, events have moved extremely quickly. The day, or two days after, those sanctions were announced suddenly the opposition was in control of Kiev; suddenly the Verkhovna Rada had taken a decision to impeach the president; suddenly the president was on the run. Suddenly there was a new acting president, an acting prime minister, and now there is a list of new ministers that is to be confirmed by democratic process by the democratically elected representatives of Ukraine. As well, a number of other demands of the opposition were met in fairly short order.
Just to be clear, the sanctions we announced remain a tool that is available to Canada. The legislation that we need to undertake sanctions is there. The decisions by the Governor in Council that would be necessary to enact the sanctions are available and could be enacted very soon. However, we have not imposed the sanctions because the Yanukovych regime, thankfully, is no more, and we hope that all of those people responsible for the violence will no longer feature in the regime and we will not have to take these steps to punish the regime in this way.
We are watching the situation closely. We are consulting with our allies, and as members know, Canada will continue to stand on principle in all matters relating to Ukraine. Several of our colleagues are en route tonight, led by the hon. , who will be welcomed very warmly by the opposition, some of whom are forming a new government, and by the Ukrainian people who heard the voice of Canada standing with them through these weeks of violence and uncertainty.
What is the larger issue that is facing us in Ukraine? This is one of the great countries of Europe, with 44 million people, the second-largest country in Europe to emerge from the former Soviet Union. Canada was the first country to recognize its independence in 1991. Our relationship is that close. Canada, not Poland, was the first country, and I was there and can prove it. The relationship between our countries is so deep that we have followed Ukraine's development every step of the way. We have sent observers to elections. We have trained public servants. We have been involved in Ukraine's form of justice institutions. However, what has really been happening over those 23-odd years since 1991?
[Translation]
It is like a pendulum swinging in the lives of Ukrainians. There was a period of great enthusiasm and great democratic excitement in the early 1990s, followed by a period, not dictatorial in its purest sense, but of dictatorial behaviour, under a regime that was increasingly autocratic. It relied on the influence of oligarchs, shady individuals, often in Russia and Ukraine, with significant means. They were not accountable to the people and had no respect for the rule of law, but they were running the country.
Then, in 2004, the Orange Revolution set this autocratic system aside for a while, before president Yanukovych took power and began the process all over again. He strengthened his power and settled into an increasingly repressive system.
[English]
The real choice for Ukraine is this: Does it want to be Poland? Can it be? Will it be given the opportunity to be a Poland, a country moving forward in Europe, a country benefiting from free enterprise, from investment from around the world, and from the talent of its citizens? Or does it want to be Belarus, a country that is very much under the influence of another part of Europe, a country whose standard of living has declined, not risen, and a country whose opportunities are few and the future not bright because of the autocracy that continues to prevail there?
We are very clear about what side we are on. The Ukrainian people have been clear this weekend about which side they are on. I hope that all members of the House in tonight's debate will do everything in their power to show that Canada is united in supporting freedom and progress for the Ukrainian people.
:
Mr. Chair, we are obviously all very concerned about the situation in Ukraine. That is why I am pleased to have an opportunity to speak in the House tonight as part of this take note debate.
I want to point out that we requested an emergency debate on Monday. Although our request was denied, at least we are able to talk about this very important issue this evening.
We were all relieved to see that violence has de-escalated over the past few days. We were also very relieved to learn, just a few hours ago, that a government of national unity is being formed in Ukraine. This is a good sign and a step in the right direction. It is desperately needed. Let us make no mistake. Just because President Yanukovych is gone and there is this new government of national unity does not mean that the situation has been resolved. There is still a lot to be done.
One urgent problem that exists right now is Ukraine's economic situation. This country needs billions of dollars. I think that Canada should work with its IMF partners to ensure that the major emergencies can at least be dealt with.
There are still stability and security issues. The country will not become stable and secure again unless all the actors in Ukrainian society work together, which appears to be happening.
I would like to comment further on the idea of working together. The government announced that a Canadian delegation is going to Kiev. I think that is good because it is something we asked for. I am glad the government is doing that. However, it is too bad that the delegation includes only Conservative members of Parliament and that opposition MPs were not invited. They are going to Ukraine to deliver a message of national unity, but they cannot even set an example by inviting parliamentarians from both sides of the House to address an issue that people have differing opinions about, even though we agree on the heart of the matter.
There are still many challenges ahead, including the challenge of getting all regions of the country to work together. People from all over seem to be coming together, although the situation in Crimea is something of an unknown. We have been following that situation closely. Also unknown is how neighbouring Russia will react, but we have to hope that things will settle down in the coming hours and days.
May is not far off, and there is an election to organize. A well-run election is critical to progress in Ukraine. Canada must send election observers.
Even that will not be the end of the story. Not everything will have been said and done. After that, the country needs to be rebuilt. At that stage, Canada needs to be more present than ever. Institutions must be strengthened, and that includes law enforcement and public services. Corruption must be battled. Democratic development must take place; that is critical. Economic development must be pursued. Earlier I said that the very difficult economic situation is one of the toughest issues Ukraine is dealing with right now.
I would like to digress again here. At the meeting of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development this afternoon, we heard from several people, including some groups of Ukrainian Canadians. I was astounded to learn that people are still waiting for a call for tenders for a project discussed with CIDA to promote small business in Ukraine.
Small businesses are essential to the economy, but they also help combat corruption because they are less of a target for the large corruption networks. However, people have been waiting for the call for tenders to be issued for over a year. Beyond the more general situation, I am therefore taking the opportunity to encourage the government to ensure that this call for tenders is finally issued.
Going back to Ukraine's major challenges, there is the matter of tax evasion. We heard that people had evaded tax on over $40 billion. Therefore, the tax system needs to be reformed. Canada has experience in that area and should therefore be present until Ukraine can address these basic problems.
It will also be important to look at justice and reconciliation. However, reconciliation often requires that justice be done. I think that Canada should support the Ukrainian parliament's request that the International Criminal Court launch an investigation into the crimes committed by the former regime.
I know that the Ukrainians are going to put their shoulders to the wheel and roll up their sleeves to rebuild. Canada must support them. To do that, we can freeze the assets of Ukrainian leaders. Unless no Ukrainian leader has any assets in Canada—and that may change in any event—we should proceed with freezing their assets. I do not understand why the government is refusing to do so.
We are talking about billions of dollars that have been stolen from the Ukrainian people, money that is just sitting in banks all around the world. That money should be returned to its rightful owners, the Ukrainian people. We should be freezing that money so that no one else can use it in the meantime to escape to a new part of the world, for example.
Our Ukrainian brothers and sisters have the right to a stable, democratic and prosperous country. Canada should be by their side and accompany them in their efforts. Let's work with them in order to help them realize their hopes.
:
Mr. Chair, I want to start by talking a little about what has happened in Ukraine and how we should understand the incredibly turbulent, incredibly tragic, and incredibly helpful events that have taken place over the past three months.
The most important thing in thinking about Ukraine today is to appreciate that the conflict we have seen has been a very clear political and even moral fight. This has been a fight about what kind of a regime the people of Ukraine want to live in and be a part of. Did they want to live in a democracy that respects the rule of law, the rights of individuals and individual freedoms, or did they want to live under an authoritarian regime?
This conflict began over a simple trade and association agreement. However, it was about this bigger issue. This is important to underscore because sometimes in the account of what is going on, particularly outside of Ukraine, the struggle is framed as a battle over nationalism; it is framed as a battle about religion, language, or culture.
Ukraine certainly has disputes over some of those issues, but it was not the central theme and not what was centrally at stake in this conflict. The Maidan spoke in Ukrainian and the Maidan also spoke in Russian, which is a central point to emphasize.
Part of the reason I underscore this is that we are hearing, and we will continue to hear, a very strong point of view expressed by some Russians, but not all. Many Russians would also like to live in a more democratic regime and have followed the events in the Maidan with great sympathy. However, what we have been hearing, and will continue to hear from some of the Russian authorities, is an effort to frame this conflict as a nationalistic clash; as a civil war scenario.
We are already hearing this. I follow the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Twitter, and we have already seen it starting to label the people of Ukraine as terrorists and as Nazis. Let us be very careful not to give way to that sort of propaganda.
I know that the people in this House and the people in Canada who are listening to us are interested in this issue. Therefore, I am going to offer a footnote to my comments and suggest that people who are interested in this particular aspect of the conflict in Ukraine read a brilliant piece by Timothy Snyder, a professor of history at Yale, which was published recently in the The New York Review of Books. It addresses precisely this subject. We are going to be hearing a lot of backlash that says something different about Ukraine and it is very important to be well informed.
We have watched the events in Ukraine closely with fear and anguish for the lives that were lost. What does Ukraine need now?
Everyone who wants democracy to flourish in Ukraine, and I am certain that is everyone in this House, needs to focus now on three things: we need to support and help with new elections; we need to support Ukraine economically; and we need to support the territorial integrity of Ukraine, particularly in relation to some of the claims we are already hearing and may be hearing from Russia.
On the election point, a new election date has been set, which is in May. It is important that we focus on it, that Canada be present and that a high-level Canadian delegation be there in advance. This is going to be the moment when we see a new, fully legitimate government of Ukraine be formed. This is a crucial point. Let us keep our eyes on that prize. International observers are truly essential to give that legitimacy and, to be sure, not only to put our good housekeeping seal of approval on the process, but also that it is in fact genuinely fair and open.
The second issue, which we have already spoken about today, and which I cannot emphasize the importance of too strongly, is that Ukraine now has succeeded in overthrowing an authoritarian regime; a regime whose bloody intentions became ever more evident as this conflict escalated.
What Ukraine does not have yet is a functioning, effective new government, and the real difficulty for this government is that Ukraine was not in great economic shape when this crisis began. The crisis itself has deepened Ukraine's economic difficulties. If we care about the Maidan, if we believe in those values—and surely we all do—we really need to support the democratic authorities of Ukraine now. It needs to be a multilateral, multi-partisan effort. We need to have the IMF and the EU there, and Canada needs to be a part of it.
I cannot emphasize this too much. Ukraine has already had, in our lifetime, over the past just over 20 years, two democratic revolutions. This is the third one. Ukraine became an independent state in 1991. Ukraine then, in its Orange Revolution, overthrew a government that was leaning into authoritarianism in 2004–05.
Let us support Ukraine now so that 10 years from now we are not debating in the House what to do about yet another Ukrainian revolution. Because if that happens, the Ukrainian people who have shown thus far an incredible commitment to democracy, an incredible belief in it, an incredible unwillingness to give way to cynicism, they are going to have enough. They are going to get fed up too. This is a really important moment and it is important not to give way to democracy fatigue, to mission-building fatigue. The really hard part starts now.
One of our hon. members, whom I hope we will be hearing from later tonight, has tremendous experience with Poland and with Poland's own revolutions. The real lesson of Poland is that a powerful civil society is essential for overthrowing an authoritarian regime, but the second lesson is that institutional support from the outside can be the difference between success or failure of those new democratic authorities. The relationship between the EU and the way in which that desire to be part of Europe and the support Europe offered for the building of democratic Poland cannot be overstated. We have to give Ukraine similar support, a similar goal.
The third thing that Ukraine needs now, which is really essential, is we have to support the territorial integrity of Ukraine. The events in Ukraine were not what the Kremlin wanted or anticipated. I really believe, based on statements that we are hearing from the Kremlin, this was a complete surprise. It is very hard for Russia's current authorities to even imagine the Ukrainians as a separate people. We have heard from Vladimir Putin that he considers Ukrainians and Russians to be one people, and Vladimir Putin does not understand that Ukrainians would want to live under a different regime.
We have to make clear to the Russians that the territorial integrity of Ukraine is something that the international community stands behind, and that the Ukrainian people have made their decision in blood and we need to support it. That is essential for Ukrainian democracy and it is essential for geopolitical stability in that entire region.
In closing, I want to make a plea to my colleagues across the aisle. I believe that we have consensus in the House on Ukraine. We have consensus not only because a lot of us are Ukrainian Canadians or have Ukrainian Canadians in our ridings—the hon. member for has many of my Ukrainian Canadian family members in her riding—but also because we all believe in democracy. It is such a core Canadian value.
Let us fight here about the political issues where we generally disagree. Let us fight about income splitting. Let us disagree about Keystone, but let us not make Ukraine a political football. Her people have died for this revolution; let us not diminish their sacrifice. I do not think anyone in the House wants to do that. If we can say to the people of Ukraine that we are united in supporting them, what a strong message that would send to them.
It says to them that it is not about party politics in Canada. The whole country supports them. We can set a fine example for the people of Ukraine. Sure, we disagree about things, but there are also some values that we share, and we are willing to set those disagreements aside to support them.
:
Mr. Chair, one of the things I want to point out tonight is the tremendous commitment that the and the have shown to this issue right from the beginning of the crisis.
We can go back to November 21, when we first heard from Ukraine and from its leader that they were going to sever their ties and the agreement they were supposed to have signed with the EU and then move towards an association with Russia.
It was only about three days later, on November 24, when hundreds of thousands of people gathered in Kiev. A couple of days later, when it looked as though the protests were beginning to wind down a little bit, the Ukrainian police attacked the protesters and really set this off.
I see my colleague getting a little excited here, so I would like to point out that I am going to share my time with my colleague from .
In early December, our minister went to Kiev. As I mentioned earlier, the opposition was confused as to why he would be there. He went out and spent some time with the demonstrators and expressed our support for their position.
From there it took off. We had a debate here in the House on December 10. The real troubles escalated throughout December and January. On January 22, a couple of protestors were shot and lost their lives while working toward freedom. The ceasefire that was put in place temporarily was broken by January 25. The violence escalated from there.
This government moved early. On January 28, we put travel bans in place on their key government leaders. Around the middle of February, on February 18, there was more extreme violence. On that date, we decided we were going to provide assistance directly to Ukraine and to the protestors there. We made a commitment to provide medical assistance and help to them.
On February 20, we moved to extend that ban. We then began to work toward putting sanctions in place. I think every one of us was very happy to see, on February 21, that we really did not have to do that, because Yanukovych left his position. We believe Ukraine will judge him and will judge his supporters. We see clearly that the judicial system in Ukraine is already looking for him. They have an arrest warrant out for him.
The travel ban had been instituted and then extended, and I think there has been some confusion about sanctions. I heard some news reports. I just want to talk a bit about that.
The same measures on travel bans and sanctions that were announced by the , that we were working on last week, are calibrated and will be calibrated to respond to the developments that take place in Ukraine. The reality is that travel bans remain in effect for those individuals who were covered by them previously, and we will continue to watch that situation.
We had some discussion today at the foreign affairs committee about these bans and what they meant, but the reality is that the bans are on, they were on, and they stayed on the individuals they covered before. The sanctions that were going to be placed did not then need to be carried through, because Yanukovych left, and we are just waiting to see how the situation in Ukraine develops. They will be calibrated to respond to what takes place.
We continue to work with our like-minded partners to coordinate an international response. It has been exciting, as one of the nations that has led the fight, to see that the changes taking place now in Ukraine will be, we believe, dramatic, and we hope that they will be permanent. We believe they acted legitimately in naming Speaker Turchinov as the acting president pending the May 25 elections. Today we see they have now put a government in place. Interim Prime Minister Yatsenyuk is in place, and the cabinet is to be confirmed tomorrow.
I again want to acknowledge the leadership of the , who is leading a delegation to Ukraine to affirm and recognize the new government, give them our support, and let them know we stand behind them. I should acknowledge the support we are getting from around the world as well, including from the Secretary General of the Ukrainian World Congress, who has expressed his gratitude on behalf of the Ukrainian World Congress to our 's government and praised the individual efforts of our for his leadership and resilient position in supporting Ukraine towards democracy and ending the current tyranny.
We have been privileged to be able to be a part of working towards these changes and helping the Ukrainian people realize their freedom and democracy.
:
Mr. Chair, since our last emergency debate on Ukraine, on January 27, the developments, and more particularly what has happened over the weekend, can only be described as incredible. Canada mourns the lives that were lost, and we are thankful that peace has been restored. Throughout this crisis, Canada has stood firmly behind the people of Ukraine for a free and democratic country, and we will continue to support Ukraine in the transition through this pivotal moment of its history.
It is important to remind the House of how this crisis was created. Canada was both shocked and disappointed when the Ukrainian government suddenly announced on November 21 that it would not pursue an association agreement and deep and comprehensive free trade area with the European Union. This was an abrupt reversal from years of planning and earnest negotiations on the part of our European partners, and a divergence from Ukraine's path of a deeper partnership and integration with the west. Canada believed then, and believes now, that Ukraine's greatest opportunities for a better future lie in association with the European Union.
While the protests started out against Yanukovych's sudden reversal, of course, the voice of the people united to express their disillusion and discontent with much larger issues, such as corruption and the siphoning off of national assets.
One day after our debate on December 10, Ukrainian authorities ordered the use of riot police against peaceful protesters in Kiev's Maidan square. Our issued a statement to express his deep concern regarding the use of force against Ukrainian citizens who were within their rights to protest and express their opinions.
A few days later, I personally visited Kiev with the Canadian delegation. We visited the protesters in Maidan square and encouraged the Ukrainians to find a peaceful solution to the crisis. The Ukrainians I met are tired of the corruption in their nation, and they want to embrace Europe and the west. They do not want to go backwards to become a satellite of the Russian empire once again. The protesters were positive, hopeful about their future, and determined to see that their demands would be met. Sadly, as they marched with the hope of changing the future of their country and becoming closer to Europe, braving harsh winter conditions in order to stage 24-hour protests, President Yanukovych again blighted Ukrainians' faith for a better future.
On December 17, Mr. Yanukovych travelled to Russia to meet with President Putin, where he accepted a $15-billion aid package along with reduced prices for gas. While the deal provided an urgent boost to Ukraine's fast deteriorating economy, it was unclear what conditions were imposed by Russia. However, far from quelling protesters, the deal had the exact opposite effect. Massive rallies took place in Kiev and other parts of Ukraine. We now know the outcome of those protests. There were dozens who were killed or seriously injured. Yanukovych has now abandoned his office, and a transitional government is being formed in anticipation of free elections to be held later this year.
I would like to offer a few observations on the current situation. While the oppressive Yanukovych regime is gone, Ukraine faces major challenges in the months and years ahead. The economy there remains fragile, and foreign assistance is essential. Canada and the west, through the International Monetary Fund, are prepared to provide an assistance package, and $15 billion has been set aside by the IMF. While Europe and the west provide Ukraine's best options in terms of expanded trading opportunities, reaching agreements will require negotiation and compromise.
We also call on the Russian government to continue to respect the sovereignty of Ukraine. I was very encouraged to hear the Russian ambassador's recent comments indicating that his nation will not intervene militarily.
In terms of the domestic political situation, the variety and number of political parties present challenges in reaching a consensus on the many important issues facing the nation. Regardless, we call on all parties and leaders to respect the rights of all Ukrainians. Ensuring minority rights are protected demonstrates a nation's commitment to freedom and the rule of law. The rule of law also demands that those who committed crimes, firing on unarmed protesters, be brought to justice and tried impartially.
Even as the barricades come down and people return to their normal lives, the events at Maidan and cities across Ukraine will always serve as a lasting reminder of the deep commitment to freedom that the Ukrainian people have. It is a commitment that Canadians share, and we will stand by Ukraine at this challenging time of transition as they aspire to a better future.
:
Mr. Chair, I am pleased to once again take part in this special debate on the situation in Ukraine.
Canada has a very special relationship with Ukraine, given that there are over 1.2 million Canadians who claim Ukrainian descent, that Canada was the first country to recognize newly independent Ukraine, and given our history of working with Ukraine to help it evolve into a democracy. I personally have served three times as an election observer in Ukraine.
I am not of Ukrainian descent, but I am very proud to have many folks of Ukrainian descent in my riding and many Ukrainian institutions. There are two different credit unions, seniors' services, and newcomers' services. People of Ukrainian descent have shaped the wonderful community that is the riding of Parkdale--High Park, which I am proud to serve.
Many people of Eastern European descent live in our community. There are people from the Balkans, Lithuanians, Latvians, and people of Polish descent. They are people who have travelled along the road to independence and have fought hard for their independence in what are today successful, thriving democracies.
I know from the many people who have contacted my office that they have agonized over the current situation in Ukraine. In my experience working with the community of Parkdale—High Park, and having been in Ukraine and met with many Ukrainians during my time as an election observer, I know how badly Ukrainians want a normal democracy. They want a democracy that respects the rule of law, that respects human rights, and that is free of corruption. They want a democracy where they can have business investments and where businesses know that the rule of law will be followed.
This has obviously been a rocky road for Ukrainians. They have impressed on me so many times how badly and how strongly they want to see a normal democracy in Ukraine.
The recent terrible tragic events have hit home especially hard for the people in Parkdale—High Park, and indeed right across this country and around the world.
There have been many rallies and gatherings in Toronto in solidarity with Ukrainians. Just last Sunday, hundreds of people were at Queen's Park, the Ontario legislature in Toronto, and it was a sombre and solemn moment when the long list of names of those who died in the recent events was read. They came from the Maidan, from Kyiv, the capital of Ukraine, and from other cities as well. This was a sad and tragic loss. From Canada's perspective, we have to do everything possible to help stabilize the situation and prevent further bloodshed.
There are many challenges on the road ahead. The temperature has been turned down, at least for now. A priority has to be that Canada do whatever is possible to help resolve the current situation with a political solution and that further violence not take place.
Our party and our foreign affairs critic have long called for sanctions. The government brought in sanctions.
I was at the foreign affairs committee today, and in questioning, government officials were vague about the travel sanctions that have been put in place. They could not tell us what form these travel sanctions were taking.
They have also put in abeyance the economic sanctions against those responsible for the violence and bloodshed in Ukraine. This is very concerning, because this transition period may well be the very time when they, through corruption, are trying to take vast sums out of Ukraine. Now is the time we should be ensuring that these economic sanctions have teeth. However, we heard directly from government officials that the economic sanctions have been put in abeyance. In fact, they are not being put into effect. I would like to hear from the government side about this, because this is very concerning.
I also have joined with my colleagues in advocating for a high-level parliamentary delegation on the ground in Ukraine, which our foreign affairs critic has long advocated, to keep the temperature down. They could do whatever is possible to help form a political solution and offer a model of democracy where parties with differing views can work together for a bigger issue. In this case, the bigger issue is democracy in Ukraine.
We were saddened and quite frustrated by the decision of the government to take that suggestion from our party but to exclude opposition parliamentarians. We think that is frankly a very sad decision, a very immature decision, on the part of the government. We need to be co-operating and working together to help Ukrainians do the same thing: co-operate and work together for the greater good, which is the success of Ukraine.
Constituents from who have contacted me were frankly a bit saddened that partisanship would trump the more important question of democracy and human rights in Ukraine. We need to work together. We need to do everything possible to help Ukraine, under its current leadership, be as successful as possible.
Ukraine is in a unique situation. It could be open to the west and take advantage of the incredible success of the markets in the EU and democratize in a western fashion. Yet as a country that has long been close to Russia, it could maintain that close relationship with Russia and be a completely independent and modern democracy, which is what people in that country so badly want.
Our country has a special history of sending election observers and assisting with democratic development in Ukraine. We would like to see this continue. We should have a full observer mission to assist with the upcoming elections in Ukraine. We need to be doing whatever is possible to assist with having free, normal, democratic media and democratic institutions.
Young interns from Ukraine come to our offices on Parliament Hill. I have had several work in my office. The hope they represent is so impressive. If it were up to them alone, the future of Ukraine would be in excellent hands. They are truly inspirational, and we need to make sure that the hopes and dreams of those young Ukrainians are not in vain, that they can fulfill those hopes, and that Ukraine can succeed and play its full role as a modern democracy. All parliamentarians in this House need to do everything we can to make sure that such a future succeeds.
:
Mr. Chair, just for the record, I am not a Ukrainian Canadian. I was born and raised in Poland, but I do have many Ukrainian Canadians in my constituency. I have a beautiful Ukrainian Catholic church in my constituency and many businesses.
I wanted to take part in this debate because I can truly relate to the struggles of the people in Ukraine and what has been going on in Ukraine over these past few months.
I will be splitting my time with my colleague from .
I agree with the member for that to fully understand what was going on and to really help Ukraine, we have to understand the historical aspect of the Ukrainians' struggle for independence. I am not talking about the past 24 years, since 1991. It started a long time before that.
I would like to quote two lines from the poem Testament, or Zapovit, written by a Ukrainian icon, Taras Shevchenko:
[Member spoke in Ukrainian and provided the following translation:]
Bury me, then rise up and break your heavy chains.
[English]
This was written over 150 years ago. Ukraine had to wait 130 years after Shevchenko's death to break those chains.
More recently, 10 years ago, during the Orange Revolution, people stood up because after the rigged election they did not accept the results. People did not accept the fact that one of the presidential candidates was being poisoned by secret agents. In 2004 and 2005, after the Orange Revolution, everybody was so hopeful that everything in Ukraine would go smoothly and toward democracy. Unfortunately, that did not happen.
What has happened in the past few months is truly tragic, not only because people died. It is tragic when people die, but it is also tragic that the government used force against people. It was not only the police and the riot police. The government ordered snipers to go on the roof and shoot people randomly. That is something that should not be happening in our times. That is why we should be concerned about what is going to happen next.
Today, we have good news. The new government of national unity was formed. The young journalist, the lady who was beaten up and left to die, is part of that group. A gentleman, whose name I think is Mr. Bulatov, who was also beaten up and had to be brought to a hospital in Lithuania, is also part of that group.
Ukraine will need a lot of help and guidance. There is truly hard work in front of all Ukrainians.
I would also like to quote the next lines from the national anthem:
[Member spoke in Ukrainian and provided the following translation:]
Our enemies will vanish like dew in the sun, and we should rule, brothers, in a free land of our own.
[English]
That is the important part: “our own”. The Ukrainian people do not want to be ruled by anybody anymore.
Ukraine has a big neighbour, but unfortunately, Russia is not democratic, which is the main problem. It is very hard to be hopeful when one's neighbour is trying to go back to Soviet times.
:
Mr. Chair, first I would like to express my deepest condolences and sorrow for those heroes who lost their lives or were badly injured in Ukraine, and for their families. I join with others in my great concern for the ongoing crisis in Ukraine. The true price of freedoms and democratic values is paid too many times with the blood and lives of patriots.
I have visited Ukraine 10 times and been there for eight elections. I will take us back and reiterate some of the points I have seen progressing on this. This is the second time in 10 years that we have seen what I would call a revolution. There was the Orange Revolution, and now we have the Euromaidan revolution. The tactic then was the same as it is now with the same actors and the same players. It was Yanukovych and Putin both times. Yanukovych was removed both times.
The tactics at that time included ballot-box stuffing. I was at a prison in southern Ukraine and have pictures of an empty ballot box brought into a voting area and a bag of ballots. I have the actual picture of it. It was incredible. At that time, there was no consideration or thought that they were doing anything really wrong. As a matter of fact, no one in the area said anything until the person who brought in the ballot box saw me standing there, whereupon he quickly ducked into a corner and put a coat over it. Of the 20 other people who were in that area, no one said anything. It was just another act of the day.
Things have changed since then. Now in the current circumstances after the election of 2010, we have the same actor, but one who now knows how to keep the cheating invisible. They know enough now not to do it visibly like that, where people can take pictures and report it.
During the Orange Revolution in 2004, when I stood on stage in front of 500,000 people, I felt very comfortable being there because I saw the cheating and could directly speak about how their vote was stolen.
After the 2010 election, he was duly accepted by the international community. However, during that election the opposition, Yushchenko and Tymoshenko, split the vote. That was really the problem they had; they could not get together. They lost because they could not bring their factions together. All they did was fight among themselves, which was very unfortunate.
Now Yanukovych is in power. What does he do? He drops all of his promises and commitments, and changes the constitution so that he can have even more power to do more wrong, against the people's wishes. This of course led to Euromaidan and to the beginning of the unrest. The second problem was that the demonstrators were fewer in number. It was said that they were going to disappear and tire of demonstrating, but he could not wait. He had to send in his thugs, who split skulls and spilled blood. That brought out the veterans from Afghanistan who were there to protect their children. That still could have been negated. He still could have made concessions and maybe slowed that down, but as we all know, he accelerated his hideous crimes to the point where he eventually brought out his snipers. That was just revolting to the entire world. He became a pariah to the world, and that made it very easy for them to remove him as a president, which is the way it should be.
Where we do we go from here? We are into an election now. What can we do? Some comments have been made here and ideas suggested. There are a number of things we can do, but certainly most Canadians here in this room, and I would say on all sides of the House, are committed to doing what we can to bring this issue forward and return Ukraine to being a country with the international status it deserves, and shall have some day.
:
Mr. Chair, it is a great privilege to participate in this take note debate. I have appreciated the move toward more conviviality in this place. That is what I experienced in the last take note debate. I had a high regard for all of the members in every part of this place. We are all in this together. We are all
Slava Ukraini.
New Democrats, as I know do the other parties in this place, stand with the people of Ukraine. My colleagues and I express our deepest condolences to the people of Ukraine for those who lost their lives and those who remain seriously injured. I know that all members in this House tonight share those condolences. We are relieved that the violence has come to an end. We are hopeful that violence will not start up again.
My colleagues and I have been trying to follow closely and there have been missives coming hourly from all parts of the globe, and particularly from Ukraine and Ukrainians across the globe, updating us on what is going on. I understand that as we speak the new Ukrainian government has been formed, and in a few minutes I will speak about the incredible conditions it is trying to place on who it is appointing into its cabinet.
We continue to take guidance from the people of Ukraine, those who we can communicate with in these difficult times, and with the Canadian Ukrainian community. As other colleagues mentioned occurred in their hometown, in Edmonton more than 200 people showed up in very frigid temperatures for a memorial to those who lost their lives in Ukraine. Following that, as my colleague from mentioned, there was a gathering at a residence for Ukrainian students at the University of Alberta to appreciate and look at the posters that were produced during that time in December to try to encourage people to come to the square and to support the rising of the populace toward a more just society. It was very powerful. If members have the opportunity to have the show come to their town, I would encourage it. It is brilliant.
As many have mentioned, there are almost 1.5 million people of Ukrainian descent in this country. A good many of those are in my province of Alberta and in the city, which I know the hon. member for has shared. In my own constituency, there are many of Ukrainian descent. I have mentioned before that I have had the privilege to share in a beautiful Ukrainian feast on Christmas Eve. The more time I spend with my Ukrainian Canadian friends, the more I think that maybe a bit of me might become Ukrainian. If one lives in Alberta long enough, he or she is bound to pick it up in a certain way.
Free speech and the right to peaceful protests are fundamental to any democracy. That is what Ukrainians are calling for. It is important that as free Canadians, all of us should share some of our time and resources to support them to achieve that which they desire so strongly.
We are pleased that the government has sent a delegation over. We are disappointed however that it did not include representatives of the opposition. I am hopeful that in the next delegations that go, we will have representatives from all parties. Why is that? Because Ukraine itself is now forming a government of many parties together. Maybe even some of the people from the Party of Regions have stepped up to the plate, to join in a more democratic form of government. Therefore, it is important that we show good faith and show that co-operation is possible.
The Ukrainian Canadian community, including the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, has called on Canada to show leadership in the international community. I know that all of us are turning to the UCC for leadership. We all have components of that in our own communities. The UCC is calling for us to support the Ukrainian people to achieve a lasting political solution that includes justice for human rights victims and respect for democratic freedoms. It is my understanding that those measures are on the forefront of the considerations and conditions for appointment to their new government.
To date, there has been a lot of support by Canada to the economic and democratic development of Ukraine. Back in 2009, I think Ukraine was designated as one of the priorities for Canadian aid through CIDA. Considerable money was dedicated, a lot of which was not only for economic development, particularly in small and medium industries, but also for civil engagement to a certain extent. A year and a half ago, a number of the members in the House today participated in a mission to Ukraine to look into concerns about the erosion of the rule of law and democracy.
We met with chambers of commerce, human rights activists, and opposition and government members. We certainly heard a lot of ideas on measures they would like to take and how we could support them. It is incumbent upon us to be working with other nations around the world to figure out a way for the government of Ukraine to put measures in place so that it can start combatting the corruption, which is endemic in its society.
I have worked in other countries where there is the same problem of corruption. It stems from simply not paying their civil servants enough, who then get on the take so they can survive and look after their families. That is going to be one of the biggest challenges the Ukraine government will face and will require some international expertise in. It has been offered to other nations around the world, and I think that is one of the areas where Canada can really contribute.
Our delegation that went with Foreign Affairs made a number of recommendations to the Government of Canada out of that. We all unanimously agreed. There were a couple of additional ones that our party made. However, we did advocate, immediately and forcefully, for the prompt release of political leaders. Of course, we are all grateful that Tymoshenko has been released. There are others who have been in prison. There are others who have had to leave the country and hopefully, they will be able to come back and participate fairly in Ukraine.
We called for the strengthening of the rule of law. Of course, that has been what has fallen apart. What I am hearing a lot from people, including members of parliament in Ukraine, is it would be absolutely critical that the new government move toward justice for all and toward democracy, not revenge. Coming out of the heat of the moment and the reprehensible killing of people in the streets, there will be a lot of calls for revenge against the police and judges who allowed these activities. It is incumbent on us to send experts to work with Ukraine's department of justice and its police. We have done that before in other nations, and I think we can do that again.
Out of that mission, the New Democrats, particularly, called for a careful look at protecting Canadian investments in Ukraine and making sure they are protected from corruption. I spoke to a representative of the Canadian Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce just today, before I came to the debate. He said that a number of people in Canada are looking into some kind of investment fund that Canadians could invest in to support Ukraine. However, they want to be very careful that there will be stronger measures to protect against corruption, because we want to protect Canadian investments.
Certainly, Ukraine is cash-strapped. We have heard the pleas for support. It may well have lost the Russian support and it will need a major infusion of cash just to keep its government going, let alone its economy. One thing Canada could do, and it has shown leadership in the past—and I was part of that in Indonesia, where Canada gave considerable aid in the 1980s and into the 1990s—is we could show the leadership and bring together the donors from around the world, to sit down and try to coordinate where we could best give the expertise, the assistance, and the dollars, and where they could be targeted to move Ukraine forward in the best way.
As the Ukrainians are expressing very clearly, what went on in the Maidan is not about the EU versus Russia. It is about the call for a just society. We have heard a number of colleagues tonight say let us not talk about Russia versus EU investment and the divide between those who speak Russian and those who speak Ukrainian. It is incumbent upon us to help the Ukrainians to bring all of those divisions together again, and the hope for a united country.
I was going to share some of the terms they have imposed on the cabinet, but I am running out of time. Perhaps in a question I could do that. It is absolutely incumbent on our government, and it has shown that it is recognizing Ukraine's parliament. It may be a little early. They have just established that parliament. Perhaps that will occur when the government delegation is there, or perhaps when they return. Rather than just sending the political delegation, Canada should also be gearing up toward sending a delegation of experts: financial experts, anti-corruption experts, democratic reform experts, and experts in setting up judicial processes. This will be a long-term engagement.
In closing, I would simply say: Slava Ukraini
:
Mr. Chair, I was going to say it is my pleasure to stand to talk about this, but in light of everything, it would be an inappropriate comment. Tonight, as I was listening to all the speeches, I was thinking about the Orange Revolution. I was in Ukraine during the Orange Revolution with my colleague. I was thinking back to walking down the streets of Kiev and seeing all the orange tents. There was orange all over the place. There were very patriotic Ukrainians who wanted a democratic country, the right to vote the way they wanted to vote, all the things we enjoy in our great nation of Canada. I remembered sitting in one of the tents with six young people talking to me about their dreams for Ukraine.
It was with great sadness that I learned of the problems under the rule of Yanukovych, of having democracy in Ukraine being turned all around. I give my very sincere condolences for those who have lost their lives in Ukraine and to the families who have had to deal with great violence in the face of their own patriotism for their country.
When I was in the countryside of Ukraine, I saw beautiful farm families. They made the best borscht in the world, I have to say. It was great. Along with that was the people's very warm and open hearts about their country.
Before I go any further, I should inform you that I will be sharing my time with the member for .
We can share our time and express our hopes and dreams for Ukraine. We have 1.3 million Ukrainian Canadians in our country, whose hearts are in our country as well as in Ukraine, and whose hearts are breaking. In my own family, my brother-in-law is Ukrainian. There are many memories for Ukrainian Canadians of what it was like in Ukraine and coming to Canada. We are sister countries in many respects. The Ukrainian people who immigrated to Canada have helped build our great nation and contributed greatly. Yet, today, in my riding of Kildonan—St. Paul, I see Ukrainian Canadians flocking to their churches and community centres to raise money to help their sisters and brothers, cousins, aunt and uncles, in Ukraine, to ensure they have some resources to get through this very troublesome time.
As usual, Canada always rises to the top, in aid and caring about what happens in Ukraine and to the citizens of Ukraine. In Canada, we have not had the experience of having to fight for democracy on our streets. This is a very privileged country. We have democracy. We have the right to walk where we want to walk, to vote the way we want to vote, to speak of what we want to speak.
I visited Ukraine during the Orange Revolution, and I have visited since then, and it is a very different kind of feeling on the streets. Freedom is not only within the rules, regulations, and law of the country, it is also within the heart of the country and its citizens. Tonight, all of us on all sides of the House are thinking about what we, as Canadians, not only Ukrainian Canadians but others, can do to help our sister country get through this troubled time.
I have a lot of confidence in the people of Ukraine. I know they know the solutions that they will need in their country and I know that they will carry them through. They have demonstrated it with their blood and with their voices in the streets of Ukraine.
:
Mr. Chair, when we last met in debate on this subject on January 27, I do not believe any of us could have imagined the events that would transpire over the ensuing weeks. I can only describe them as stunning in their ferocity and violence and in the swift outcome of recent days, with the fall of the Yanukovych regime and its replacement with a new transitional government.
I would also like to join with my colleague from in expressing sympathy and condolences to all the victims of violence in the protests on the Maidan and elsewhere in Ukraine. Our thoughts and prayers are with the families and friends of those killed in those protests.
We all stand united here in support of the courageous peaceful protestors who stood up for democracy and are continuing to do so in Ukraine. We call on the relevant authorities to bring all those responsible for violence and death to justice as soon as possible. We support the Ukrainian people in their ongoing quest for democracy and human rights, including press freedom, and we were pleased to see the release of Yulia Tymoshenko and all political prisoners.
We look forward to new presidential elections now that Yanukovych and his government have been deposed, and we call on all nations, including all the neighbours of Ukraine, Russia included, to respect the borders of Ukraine and the self-determination of the Ukrainian people. We also call on President Putin to recognize the new transitional Ukrainian government. I would also like to suggest that we support the IMF and the international community in their efforts to assist Ukraine in stabilizing the Ukrainian economy. Members will know that Canada is a major contributor to the IMF.
Canada should and will support Ukrainian democracy by sending a large election observation mission to the new presidential election in May, and I am quite confident that we will get good advice from both CANADEM and the Ukrainian Canadian Congress on how that mission should be structured. The Ukrainian people must be allowed to choose their own economic and democratic future, and all nations, including Russia, must respect the democratic choices of the Ukrainian people.
Canada welcomes the presidential transition in Ukraine. We stand ready to support the efforts toward a stable, democratic, and united Ukraine. As Ukraine enters a phase of de-escalation and the transition faces many challenges and difficult times ahead, the situation remains extremely fragile.
In December 2012, I had the honour of attending the OSCE meeting in Dublin and learning about the OSCE and what it can do in supporting democracy and media freedom and other human rights throughout this region. Through its multidimensional approach to security that includes politico-military, economic, environmental, and human rights, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, or OSCE as it is commonly referred to, is one tool that can be used to assist Ukraine. This organization, which includes all the players involved in brokering the February 21 agreement, including France, Poland, Germany, and the Russian Federation as well as Ukraine, has invaluable experience in helping participating states successfully overcome political turmoil by building transparency and confidence.
Throughout the crisis, Canada's mission to the OSCE in Vienna delivered statements every week, calling on all sides to refrain from violence and to resolve the crisis through dialogue and political means and respect for human rights. Canada's ambassador to the OSCE also expressed support for the OSCE's involvement in defusing the situation and continuously encouraged the then Ukrainian government to accept the Swiss OSCE chair's offer of assistance. I would like to bring to the attention of all of my colleagues the role the OSCE can and should play in the stabilization of Ukraine over the next few weeks and months.
Having said that, I would like to say for all of my friends in Ukraine and the Ukrainian Canadian community here in Canada, Slava Ukraini. Slava Canada.
:
Mr. Chair, Ukraine means a lot to me. I wish I could explain why I feel so attached to this country, but it is hard. I suppose many can relate. Sometimes you become attached to people in foreign lands through travels or cultural discoveries. You find a place where you feel good. All of a sudden, you understand the people. You tell yourself, “I am going to come back here.” It is a question of natural predilection.
That is what I experienced with Ukraine. When I was there, in Crimea, for the very first time, I had no idea that I just happened to open the door to a whole new cultural and emotional experience.
That was in 2006, two years after the Orange Revolution. I was coming from Russia. I was able to see first-hand the difference between those two countries, because, despite the many political highs and lows in Ukraine, Ukrainian society was still openly capitalizing on the steps it had taken toward freedom two years earlier. The energy released by the Orange Revolution was almost as strong as that from the 1990 declaration of independence. The country was rising enthusiastically in its own image, according to its own will and in total freedom. Even though the material and economic conditions were not the best, Ukraine, with the Baltic states, represented at the time the best hope of leaving the post-Soviet misery behind once and for all.
Then, in February 2010, everything shifted. Yanukovych's victory in the presidential election was not a good sign. I will go over the events of the past three years, which have been a slow and grotesque nightmare from which we have just woken up.
In the days following the victory of the Party of Regions, western democracies were stunned. The election results were clear. The election was fairly clean. We had to recognize that the Ukrainian people had expressed their democratic will. The United States accepted the election results, as did Europe.
The attitude taken by western democracies ranged from pragmatism born of necessity to the most absurd denial. There had been many electoral irregularities, incidents of intimidation, shell games, in short, the usual scheming, but we did not want to get too involved. The message was that the time for revolution had passed.
As for Yanukovych, we put up with him, as we would a monkey that we think we can eventually train. After all, we are now free to say out loud what we were whispering at the time. I would like to remind members that when Yanukovych was elected, everyone suspected that he was behind the attempted poisoning of Viktor Yushchenko. It was neither a legend nor hearsay. All the literature from that time confirms it. Basically, it was no secret.
Disgrace was inevitable in his case. Now, there is an international warrant for his arrest. I do not know how long he will be able to hide.
Let me get back to 2010. At first, Europe felt that it had built strong enough ties with Ukraine to gently guide Yanukovych's administration in the right direction. While I am sure that European diplomats did not have high hopes, they likely thought Europe could play a positive role in Ukraine, if only by setting an example.
What was the response on the ground? Reactions were mixed. Ukrainians had seen just about everything in their 500-year history, and this was not the first time they had been disappointed. The public believed that the fact that opinions in the country were sharply divided would be enough to keep the government nervous, even if the opposition was weakened by internal power struggles.
On February 22, 2010, Tymoshenko, then a defeated candidate, did not mince words when she said that the oligarchy needs cheap labour and poor and disenfranchised people who can be forced to work at their factories for peanuts. They also need Ukraine's riches, which they had been stealing for the last 18 years.
It turns out that her words perfectly summarize Yanukovych's four-year reign. His refusal to sign the agreement with the European Union last fall was simply a logical consequence of this systematic plan to bring Ukraine to its knees. Tymoshenko's warning was materializing.
Things were quickly going to get worse as far as she was concerned. Her unlawful conviction in August 2011 after a long, rigged trial confirmed the worst. Yanukovych was seeking revenge and he was prepared to blatantly and shamelessly bend the rules to stay in power. The international community unequivocally condemned this trial.
Canada also did not waste any time. In the fall of 2011, this Parliament decided to warn the Ukrainian government that it would not tolerate such serious affronts to the rule of law and human rights.
In May 2012, a parliamentary delegation, which included myself and several of my colleagues who are here tonight, went to Ukraine to get a first-hand look at what was happening.
Our embassy in Kiev made it easier to communicate with over 50 stakeholders from various political and civil circles. For a week, we were able to listen to enlightening testimony.
We came to the astounding realization that, despite the well-developed networks of civil actors and the united message they were sending, the country seemed to have returned to the uncertain days of the post-Soviet transition. Insecurity, corruption and worthless legal processes were weakening the state and society.
I was able to see the difference given my familiarity with the country. The winds of freedom that were blowing in 2006 had died. Conversations with friends were heavy and sad. Ukrainians were seeing all the efforts they had made since 2004 being undermined by the regime. A dark curtain just been drawn over their future. Do hon. members understand what such a crisis meant for a people who had already experienced so many setbacks?
In frustration, Ukrainians put on their old, well-worn blinders just so they would have the strength to continue to live in this country that history refused to liberate.
However, history teaches a lesson that no one can deny. The Ukrainian spirit is strong and always resurges. I told myself this repeatedly, saying that, in this end, this extraordinary people, these Cossacks, would react.
In November 2013, the Yanukovych administration refused to sign the agreement to join the European Union that had been in progress for years. In one fell swoop, it was as if the country's heart had been ripped out.
People spontaneously took to the street, assembling at Independence Square, as they did in 2004, to demand government accountability. Yanukovych's selfish and indefensible decision to favour the exclusive customs union with Russia shocked Ukrainians deeply. Their only door to a better future had been shut, forcing them to accept an uncertain role in an area under Moscow's control with predictable consequences.
If the question is whether the Russian government is involved in everything that has happened, the answer is yes, of course. As are Europe and the United States. We need to stop being surprised that the Russian government is doing everything it can to keep a grip on the former Soviet republics. Who can they turn to? What we can see is that it is not working.
Let me paint a quick picture. Kazakhstan and its wealth turn to China, its neighbour. Georgia, through Turkey, went to the West. Azerbaijan conducts its own small and very lucrative business and is as happy as a clam. Ukraine turns to Europe. At the end of the day, there is not much left for them, except Lukashenko.
I followed the incredible series of events last week very closely. If someone had told me last Wednesday that I had to speak to the situation, I would not have had the words to express my utter dismay. Things seemed so irreparable that I was starting to lose hope.
On Thursday, when I found out that snipers had indiscriminately shot peaceful protesters, my worst fears were realized. However, the Cossack spirit prevailed and everything turned around in matter of 24 hours. The revolution that seemed impossible had become a reality.
On the weekend, I could not take my eyes off the news, as Yanukovych's support collapsed and the Verkhovna Rada deposed the president. Seeing Yulia Tymoshenko in a wheelchair in Independence Square, in front of a huge, but silent crowd who were listening to her impassioned speech, was indescribable.
I am immensely proud to be here today to express how I feel about this. I want to reiterate my deep affection for Ukraine and its people. I want to send my deepest condolences to the families of the victims, killed because they believed in freedom for Ukraine. To them I say:
[Member spoke in Ukrainian as follows:]
Slava heroyam!
[Translation]
I am calling on the Government of Canada to follow the example of the European Union and the United States, support the new transitional government and reaffirm its unwavering support for Ukraine and its democratic aspirations.
[Member spoke in Ukrainian and provided the following translation:]
Together we will prevail! Glory to Ukraine!
:
Mr. Chair, it is a privilege to speak tonight about the events occurring in Ukraine. I would first like to offer condolences to those who have lost family members at this very trying time, those who paid the ultimate price to stand for what they believe in. Many were injured. Some were kidnapped and badly beaten. Many were abused. Many were put in jail and incarcerated for doing what one would anticipate they would be legally entitled to do, which was have the freedom to associate and to express themselves in light of a government, a regime, and a president who had taken some fairly significant steps to take them away from what they hoped would be a free and democratic Ukraine. Their hopes rested in part on an association with the European Union. Their hopes rested on the fact that they would be encouraged by that association to continue with their fledgling democracy and to continue with improvements to their judiciary. They saw that slipping away, and they took to the streets to ensure that this did not mean an end to what they had tasted.
With social media and the Internet, we are able to see the events that are transpiring there live. It is an encouragement to Ukrainians to know that they are not alone, that there are people and countries who stand with them. Equally important is that with social media, they appreciate what democracies experience from time to time. Having partaken themselves in that, they were not prepared to give it up.
I recall, in my first year here, in 2004, as a young parliamentarian, when the Orange Revolution was taking place. I came to the House near midnight and spoke to encourage the Ukrainian people at that point, because it seemed that there was an opportunity for them to strive for democracy and freedom of association. That hope did not blossom as we thought it might. Those dreams and aspirations were lost for a variety of reasons, perhaps because the opportunity given to those in leadership was not taken advantage of or not proceeded with. As a consequence, we saw a reversion of what they had experienced and thought they were well on their way to accomplishing.
I should mention that I will be splitting my time with the member for . I want to be sure that is on the record.
It was with that hope and determination that people thought they were going forward. Then they saw it dashed, particularly when the Yanukovych regime eliminated Yulia Tymoshenko as a potential political rival by incarcerating her and preventing her from running in the election. At that point, we could see that the country was proceeding in the wrong direction and that it needed correction.
Just a few days ago, who would have thought that events would so unfold that we would see her released? One of the fundamental rights of a democracy is a judiciary that is independent and not manipulated, where someone can expect to be under the rule of law, come before a judicial system, and have it provide a judicial pronouncement without interference or manipulation. That was a fundamental part of it. To see her released through the efforts of the people and the stand they took in Maidan was remarkable.
To see that there will be elections on May 26 and there will be nominations by March, is incredible. It is breathtaking. As a country, we must support Ukraine, not only in ensuring that those elections are free and democratic, we must also help them with their economic circumstances and the fundamentals they need to succeed at this time. There are a lot of challenges and there will be a lot of struggles. I know their territorial integrity is important. We must ensure that those are maintained and that we are there to stand with them in the difficult future, just as we have to this point. It is going to be very important for that fledgling democracy to take root. We need to do everything we can to see that happen.
:
Mr. Chair, I wish to add my voice to those who have expressed their deep concern about recent developments in Ukraine. I also wish to express my deep sorrow for the loss of lives and for the people who made the ultimate sacrifice for freedom and democracy in Ukraine.
My concern is compounded by the current economic situation in that country, a situation that was aggravated by former president Yanukovych's shunning of the European Union and the west and his disregard of the collective will of the country's citizens.
The government and the people of Canada are determined to assist to the greatest extent possible in the development of Ukraine's economy. This is for the betterment of Ukrainians' standard of living, the diversification of economic choice for its consumers, and the entrenchment of those freedoms that are derived from a rules-based economic system, absent the constraints of corruption and inadequate governance.
The current economic climate in Ukraine is very troubled. In its most recent report, the World Bank forecast 0% growth for Ukraine in 2013, citing a weak global environment and delays in domestic policy adjustments, which it notes has led to widening and unsustainable macroeconomic imbalances.
The bank cited high fiscal debt levels and the need to adopt a flexible exchange rate policy as much-needed reforms. It also cited the need to address structural adjustments, including the imbalance between what Ukraine pays and charges for its gas and heating.
The IMF has characterized Ukraine as off track. Ukraine faces worsening liquidity conditions, a structurally weak banking sector, and difficult access to long-term funding for business.
The Ukrainian government's privatization program has also generated concern, as many believe it will ultimately serve to benefit Ukraine's oligarchs. This outrage over the level of corruption and graft in Ukraine is part of the reason people are out on the streets.
An association agreement and deep and comprehensive free trade area with the EU could, in spite of the possibility of some short-term economic shocks, put Ukraine on the path to economic stability and prosperity. However, the Yanukovych government rejected that opportunity and fell back on old habits, choosing to rely instead on an outdated economic model backed by unreliable partners.
Canada has always striven for a positive and mutually beneficial trading relationship with Ukraine, with private sector organizations such as the Canada-Ukraine Chamber of Commerce playing a key role in expanding the business-to-business commercial relationship.
In 2013, bilateral trade increased by nearly 3%, reaching more than $322 million. Canada's merchandise exports totalled approximately $210 million, about 40% more than in 2012. Canada's imports from Ukraine totalled about $112 million in 2013, about 32% less than in 2012.
In view of political developments in Ukraine, the EDC has recently changed its country position from highly restricted to currently under review.
Despite Ukraine's challenging foreign investment climate, Canadian companies are seeking investments in the country's strategic sectors: agriculture, energy and mining, and niche opportunities in clean technology and renewable energy.
However, these companies need predictability and transparency to make effective business decisions, and that is why Canada is supportive of reforms in Ukraine that aim to reduce corruption and improve competitiveness and investor protection.
We are hopeful that the change in government in Ukraine will spur on much-needed economic reform and will represent a turning point that leads to a strengthened bilateral commercial relationship.
Now is the time for the Canadian public to redouble its determination to help the people of Ukraine reach their aspirations. Our efforts must work to leverage development programming to advance the mutual trade and economic interests of Ukraine and Canada and to help Ukraine build a transparent, rules-based, globally competitive economy.
:
Mr. Chair, it is a pleasure to rise today to address what I believe is a very important issue, not only for Ukraine, but for Canada and indeed the world.
What is happening in Ukraine has had an impact around the globe. However, in Canada it is important to recognize the hundreds of thousands of people who have been following the news. That is one of the wonderful things about the Internet and the number of newscasts that take place. Throughout the world, and particularly in Canada, many people have been able to follow very closely what has been taking place in Ukraine.
We understand and appreciate the anxiety and the very real fear in Ukraine. I am not a historian, in any sense of the word, but this situation has received quite an amount of attention, even inside the House. We had an emergency debate in January. We had a take note debate last December, and we are having another take note debate this evening. The high level of interest speaks to the need for debate. People are very sympathetic about what they are seeing on the nightly news that is taking place in Ukraine.
I have had the opportunity to speak with a number of people, and there were three critical points provided to me, which I will read. In regard to the people of Ukraine and what expectations we have, my point of view is one of fundamental principle. For example, the people of Ukraine deserve the right to protest. The recent laws that were passed in January to prohibit anti-government demonstrations were anti-democratic and unacceptable.
Another point that was raised was that the people of Ukraine have made it clear that they want to be a part of Europe. The decisions that were made by the Ukrainian government in November show a blatant disregard for citizens. The people believe that they deserve a choice and opportunities for their future.
The third point is that a truly democratic society should promote freedom of responsibility, speech and expression, and people should never have to fear violence and imprisonment because they feel passionate enough to seek a peaceful rally for their opposition. We have witnessed a great deal of harm, people being beaten, tortured, and killed in far too many cases, as a result of what has been taking place in Ukraine.
We like to think that the people of Ukraine, much like the people in Canada, have a fundamental right to democracy, to freedom, and they want and desire the rule of law. These are principles that we believe are very important.
At the end of the day, we have witnessed widespread support across Canada. We have had rallies here on Parliament Hill. In my community of , there were rallies at the Manitoba Legislature, in which I was able to participate. There were events at church organizations. I spent an afternoon at a local restaurant, where someone was showing a YouTube video to another individual about what was taking place in Ukraine. There has been so much that has been done, with expressions of interests from Canadians from all over the country.
What they are asking for is that the Government of Canada work in an apolitical fashion and send a very strong message to Ukraine. That is one of love and kindness, and at the same time to be firm and support the people of Ukraine. This is something that I believe is absolutely essential.
The last time we had an emergency debate was January 27, and I had the opportunity then to conclude debate. Back then I stated:
...I say that we acknowledge and want what the people of Ukraine want. The House of Commons today is prepared to speak out in support of the people of Ukraine and respond to the hundreds of thousands of Canadians who want us to take action. All of us will take action where we best can.
That holds true today, in the sense that we do need to do whatever we can.
Last weekend we had a wonderful convention in Montreal, and Ukraine was a very topical issue. Whether in the larger or smaller rooms, there was a great deal of discussion about what was taking place in Ukraine. More than 3,000 people from all across Canada went to the Montreal convention. It was decided to bring in an emergency resolution. I want to read for members the three critical parts, because I am limited in terms of time.
The three parts that I think bear repeating here this evening are as follows:
Be it further resolved that Canada call for an observer mission of at least 500 Canadian observers led by a pre-eminent Canadian to help oversee this election;
That was a wonderful statement, and earlier I stated that there is no reason we could not do even better than 500.
The resolution continued:
Be it further resolved that the international community take all necessary steps to ensure that any and all human rights violations in Ukraine are properly investigated and, as appropriate, prosecuted.
Be it further resolved that the Government of Canada call upon the IMF to urgently meet with the new Ukrainian leadership to provide economic support and develop a new plan
This is something that came from concerned Canadians from all across Canada who were at a convention where they felt it was important to bring forward an emergency resolution because of what we were witnessing, even over the weekend.
The members of the House have already had the opportunity in different venues to talk about it since the weekend. I know our foreign affairs critic, like other members of the House, stood in his place on Monday to express a concern, and in fact even made reference to the resolution that I just finished reciting in part. Other members were afforded opportunities. I had the opportunity to introduce a petition, and I made reference to this in one of my questions.
The Ukrainian Canadian Congress has done a phenomenal job in working with other organizations in our provinces to ensure a high public awareness of what is taking place and in encouraging people as a whole to come together and contribute in whatever way they are able.
I realize that my time is quickly running out. I want to appeal to all members of the chamber, as I believe my leader and members of the Liberal caucus as a whole have been very clear on, that there is a need for Canada to play a very strong leadership role. We are prepared to work in an apolitical fashion. We want to be engaged and help and be a part of the solution. We support the people of Ukraine. We wish nothing but the very best in the future.
We see the value of providing support, whether in terms of observers, targeted sanctions, the continual economic development of Ukraine and the role Canada might be able to play in that, or institutions.
All of the above need to be acted upon. We are prepared to work in the best manner we can, in an apolitical fashion, so we can truly do what Canadians want and express our goodwill toward a great nation.
:
Mr. Chair, I do believe that there are organizations within Canada; for example, Democracy Watch, the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, and different provincial organizations, including a wonderful local chapter of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, headed by Oksana Bondarchuk in Winnipeg, someone who keeps me quite well informed, along with a number of other individuals like Bill Balan and many others in Winnipeg.
There are organizations that do have something to offer in terms of assisting us in developing policy. That includes foreign policy related to what is happening today in Ukraine.
I do believe that these organizations should play some sort of a role in how Canada best deals with the relationship with Ukraine, not only for today but also going into the future.
It goes beyond the situation we are in today, which hopefully by the end of June will be a whole lot better. I think we have to look at how we build bridges that are going to sustain a long-term relationship.
For example, what about the relationship between parliamentarians here in Canada and in Ukraine? What about institutional organizations such as Elections Canada and the independent election authority, whatever that might be, the commission in Ukraine? We need to build on those types of relationships and use the different stakeholders that have a very good understanding.
I am amazed at the type of understanding that a number of these stakeholders have of the reality of Ukraine today. I think we need to take advantage of that. I did not know this, but the mother of my colleague from actually had something to do with the current constitution of Ukraine. Given her own personal background, I think she would have been a valuable asset to the trip to Ukraine with the . There should have also been a New Democratic member of Parliament going.
We need to start looking at ways in which we can bring experts working together to Ukraine, and make it reciprocal. I was at a foreign affairs committee meeting a few years back. We actually had a Ukrainian parliamentarian come and make a presentation. There are issues we can further develop.
To conclude my remarks, we do want to see more tangible action taken. We should not underestimate the potential of other stakeholders beyond the House of Commons.
:
Mr. Chair, I appreciate the opportunity to participate in this debate. Like so many of my colleagues, I have been following recent developments in Ukraine closely. Our thoughts and prayers go out to all of those affected by the violence.
Our government was very pleased to learn of the dramatic decisions of the Ukrainian parliament over the weekend, and we believe that these developments represent a return to genuine democracy in Ukraine, reflecting the will of the majority of Ukrainians. We are confident that Ukrainian democrats are committed to ensuring an orderly return to democracy and to economic reform. As always, Canada will be there to support Ukrainians during this process.
In the immediate term, our government has responded to the urgent needs of those Ukrainians injured in the protests. Our government also contributed to legal assistance for protesters charged by the Yanukovych government. We are pleased to note that on Sunday, Ukraine's new government dropped all charges against protesters and released them from prison. We must not, however, make assumptions about the path that Ukraine will follow in the wake of these historic events. Rather, we should stand ready to support first steps toward the re-emergence of democracy in the short term and stable economic development in the long term.
After so many years of bad and corrupt governance, the reforms that are needed in Ukraine are dramatic and will require diligence and support from other nations. Canada has always been on the side of Ukrainians who are fighting for their belief in a democratic, European Ukraine, and we believe that Ukraine's best hope for democracy and economic prosperity lies in closer alignment with European and North American norms and institutions.
I would now like to take a few moments to tell members about Canada's efforts in the long-term development work to help Ukraine achieve lasting economic prosperity. Over the years, we have developed a close bilateral relationship, a solid economic partnership, and strong people-to-people ties. In 1991, Canada was the first western nation to recognize Ukraine's independence and, more recently, to herald the release of Yulia Tymoshenko from prison.
Since Ukraine's independence, our development assistance in Ukraine has focused on increasing economic opportunities for Ukrainians in a strengthened democracy. Over the years, Canadian development assistance investments in private sector development and governance in Ukraine have contributed to the country's transition from a centrally planned system toward a free-market, democratic model. However, Ukraine was an integral part of the former Soviet Union and, as such, its economic transition has been slower and more difficult than perhaps anticipated. This transition is not yet complete.
To build resilience and achieve broad-based prosperity, Ukraine must diversify and grow its real economy, especially through developing its small and medium-sized enterprises, a sector that is far smaller than in other European countries. Stimulating the growth of these enterprises will also help to expand and strengthen the middle class. We know from experience that a healthy, civically engaged middle class and healthy small-business sector will help to nurture a well-functioning democracy and add to security and stability.
Given its rich natural resources, low labour costs, and large and well-educated population, Ukraine has excellent economic potential, but it will face challenges in becoming competitive. If concluded, planned free trade agreements with Europe and Canada would help to provide a road map to greater competitiveness within a predictable, rules-based framework.
To increase rates of economic growth in Ukraine, Canada is focusing on three areas of intervention. The first area is to strengthen the investment climate in a sustainable way, by building economic foundations. In practical terms, this means improving the capacity of all levels of government, including local governments, to deliver on the basic needs of citizens and to create a supportive framework for local business growth, and for trade and investment. We are providing security and a level playing field for small and medium-sized enterprises, from fair and transparent regulations to independent and predictable application of the rule of law.
We are also supporting technical assistance from the International Monetary Fund to the government of Ukraine in the areas of banking sector regulation and monetary policy adjustment. We are open to expanding and broadening this assistance should Ukraine's new government demonstrate a commitment to fundamental economic reforms.
The second area of focus is growing businesses, especially those that are micro, small and medium-sized firms, including those in the agricultural sector. Our goal is to help make these businesses more sustainable and competitive. We will do this by helping entrepreneurs access the things we take for granted in Canada, such as business networks, value chains, productivity enhancing technology, insurance, and business financing.
The third area of focus, and one I believe in strongly, for a number of reasons, is investing in people, particularly women and youth. Our objective is to build a skilled, trained workforce of women and men who can seize opportunities in a rapidly expanding labour market that is fuelled by the needs of local and international employers.
As the Ukrainian economy continues to grow, so will the economic ties between our two countries. Canada's development program has contributed significantly to enhancing Ukraine's sustainable economic growth. One of those areas is agriculture, and I hope that during my time for answering questions I will have some time to reflect on some of the incredible investments Canada has made.
Ukraine is a country of focus for Canada. We continue to build into its development. We know that by doing so, our people-to-people ties will be strengthened.