Madam Chair, honourable committee members, ladies and gentlemen, thank you very much for inviting me here to talk about this important issue.
As you no doubt already know, intimate partner abuse against older women is a problem that falls between two major areas. There are two different resource networks. One we can call elder abuse; the other, domestic violence. There have been,up until very recently, two very distinct bodies of research, two bodies of knowledge, and two very different ways of conceptualizing the problem and therefore its solutions.
I came to research this issue when I was asked by an expert elder abuse intervention team, a social work team in a Quebec CLSC, to help them develop a model of intervention for intimate partner abuse. They recognized that, despite their expertise, they were really struggling with these scenarios, and that these scenarios were different in nature from other forms of elder abuse.
I interviewed 30 social workers from Quebec CLSCs working in home care, asking them to bring to me and to our research team their most difficult and complex cases and to discuss them. Then we held some focus groups.
Out of that came some interesting new things that I hadn't thought about. One is that they all brought to us cases that had extended for many decades. I realize that it can start later in life, but the cases the workers brought sometimes had gone on for as long as 60 years. They talked about intimate partner abuse over the lifetime as having a life of its own and said that it changes shape at different points in the couple's life. It can escalate, it can get more physical, it can get less physical, and it can appear to go underground for a short period of time, but it's always there.
In particular, retirement seems to be a trigger. It's a point where husbands are now in the home all the time. The workers really highlighted how now they micromanage and have ultimate control over a woman's life from the moment she wakes up till the time she goes to bed.
Another trigger that appeared to be important was health changes--changes in the health status of one member or the other or both.
The cases they brought to us were across a real spectrum, from healthier young or older women to older women who were very sick and very old. I just want to talk about a few recommendations; you'll see how that spectrum manifests a little bit.
In terms of the healthier women, let's say, for example, that it's the case of a woman in her mid- to late-sixties who is relatively healthy. She actually comes to the social worker wanting to talk about the abusive relationship and make some decisions about it. That kind of case was a minority of the cases encountered in the aging system.
But the issue there was that the social workers in the aging system need to have a better understanding of the dynamics of intimate partner abuse, because in some of the cases what we saw was that they tried, with the best of intentions, to help empower women to be more assertive and stand up to their husbands, and it backfired. If you're looking at a situation where there are dynamics of power and control, then the reaction is that men need to exert more strategies of control, which can result in escalating violence, and that creates a much higher risk scenario.
So the lack of that knowledge can at times put women at risk, and I think it's important that workers in that intervention system have that kind of knowledge.
In terms of the intimate partner abuse systems, the women's shelters, and the services around that, I think what they have lacked has been an understanding of some of the dynamics of intimate partner abuse after retirement. We don't know a lot about some of those triggers yet. We need to learn more, and the workers need to understand how it manifests in the later years of life so that they can be more helpful. They need to also understand how to adapt services to the concerns and needs of older women, which are different from those of younger women in some ways. I think the case that I described could have been well dealt with in either system, with those caveats.
The second type of scenario happens when there are more serious health concerns involved. Physical issues, mobility problems, or maybe somebody had a stroke...these types of cases tend to come into the aging network, and they come in because of the health issue. They don't come in as a relationship or abuse issue, but as a request for services.
If you have such a case come in as a request for home care services, you may end up with two clients with competing needs and intervention priorities. You might end up with an older man who needs some home care services but is abusing the older woman.
So who is your client and what is the ultimate priority? Is it to help keep the man living in the community? That may require keeping his wife with him because she's helping him with his day-to-day living. Or is it to take care of the problem of intimate partner abuse? That would prioritize the woman's needs, but it might end up with him placed in long-term care. It gets a lot more difficult when you have complex health issues entering the picture. We had some cases that were at the extreme end of complex health issues. These come in through the aging system, and it's a whole different ballpark from the first type of situation I talked about.
For example, there was the case of a woman in her late eighties, an immigrant who spoke neither English nor French. She displayed strong evidence of dementia, but had not been legally declared incompetent, and was physically ill as well. Her husband was keeping her isolated in the home. There was a nurse coming in occasionally, and a home care aide, but the husband never left them alone for a second. There were bruises and other evidence of physical abuse. He was not allowing her to have proper medical care. Because she had not been declared legally incompetent, it was extremely difficult for the health care team to adopt a more protectionist approach that would draw on the legal system. The laws vary from province to province, and they're part of the ethical and legal issues that complicate the health and the abuse issues.
It's little wonder that many of the workers we interviewed expressed great feelings of powerlessness. One of them asked how we could unravel 60 years of abuse. I felt this was something that needed to be addressed. We need to consider the structure of practice and the ways these workers are supported and equipped.
I have a couple of recommendations. They're interconnected. As social workers, we're the health care professionals who are most specifically mandated to promote the self-determination of the client, so there's a real tension here between a risk-and-protection scenario versus an empowerment scenario.
For example, in the latter case that I mentioned, it's quite clear that there's a fair bit of protection needed. But do we need to take away an older woman's voice or her right to make her own decisions?
Based on our practice with younger women, we tend to think that the only way to resolve some of these problems is for the woman to leave. That has been discussed through some reports and research, and I think we need to rethink that. I think we need to listen a lot to older women. We've heard very little from older women about how they understand this problem, about what their experiences are, and what their choices would be in these situations.
We need more conversations across resource networks. Had I remained in Quebec where the research was done, I was hoping to do a next step, which was to bring women's shelters and CLSCs into conversation with each other, and to bring policy-makers and older women into that conversation. I think we need to do that. That kind of conversation would allow us to develop research questions that will help us to form a response. I don't think there is a one-size-fits-all response for this whole gamut of situations.
It is important that this whole research and intervention agenda be driven by the voices of older women, as opposed to being driven by the voices of professionals and policy-makers.
Thank you.
Madam Chair, committee members, thank you for inviting me to discuss the issue of the abuse of seniors, particularly older women.
I think you are looking at a major social issue, considering two fundamental aspects. Obviously, there is the aging population of Canada, which is very important, and the growing recognition of the abuse of seniors, which comes as a result of work that initially focused more on violence toward children and spousal abuse.
I would like to talk to you about how the abuse of older women is different from those two major areas.
I'll introduce myself very quickly, which will help you understand where I'm coming from. I'm a criminologist by training, a professor in social gerontology and social work at the Université de Sherbrooke, but for the past year, I have also been a research chair on the abuse of seniors. This research chair is funded by the Quebec government's department of the family, seniors and the status of women.
According to Gloria Gutman, president of the International Network for the Prevention of Elder Abuse—or INPEA—it's the only chair of its kind in the world. So I'm basing my comments today on 25 years of research, during which I have worked closely in the areas of practice and have very relevant experience because I have worked with the Government of Quebec as a scientific expert in developing the Governmental Action Plan to Counter Elder Abuse, the plan for 2010 to 2015.
In the next few minutes, I would like to discuss five points that I feel are fundamental for continuing your work. These are things you have already started working on, I'm sure, but I will shed new light on them.
My first point is the issue of gender. It is recognized demographically that there are more women than men because women have a longer life expectancy than men. So the fact that you would choose to focus more specifically on women is entirely justified from that perspective.
We also know that some specific forms of abuse are linked to gender. So they are going to require interventions that are also gender-specific. I'm thinking of a conference I attended just last Saturday morning when I was in Ottawa. It was for the Canadian Association on Gerontology. Someone from Mexico talked to us about the age of abused seniors. The youngest older women, so women who were between 60 and 70 years of age, were more often the victims of spousal abuse than the older women. This was explained by the fact that the spouse was still alive, whereas later on, the spouse had died.
I think it is very important to take an interest in the abuse of women, not only in the spouse or family environment, but also more generally.
I'll come to my second point—trusting relationships—in a minute. We must not lose sight that older women, like all older people, are not a homogenous group and focusing on older women means taking into account the particularities aside from chronological age, such as the person's life, socio-economic conditions and access to services.
We must also not fall into the trap of focusing only on people we feel are objectively more vulnerable, because it has been clearly shown in the study of abuse that, on one hand, there is the vulnerability of the victim—their own characteristics—and on the other, the issue of risk factors associated with the environment. The abuser is often part of that network. So it's important to take a balanced look at the vulnerability of the victim and the risk factors to realize that in some cases we may have someone who is very vulnerable but who will never be abused because that person's environment doesn't present any risk factors. Meanwhile someone who would objectively be not very vulnerable or not vulnerable at all could be abused because the environment presents risk factors.
My second point involves understanding the abuse in all its forms. Very often we use the definition of the WHO, which includes both violence and negligence in a trust-based relationship. We also say that abuse causes harm and distress to seniors. As you know, the issue of abuse is an umbrella, or global, concept that includes both spousal abuse, which ages with the couple, and family relationship issues. For example, there may be an adult child with social problems who lives with a parent. To some degree, it may be very helpful to the older mother, but it may also become very abusive at times. It is very interesting to see that the son or daughter may depend on the older mother.
So in addition to the issue of abuse at home that we are talking a lot about, we must not lose sight of the abuse of older women in seniors' residences, which is often less studied because it is harder to have access to. Older people in those residences are people who are the least independent. They are mostly older women.
My third point is at the heart of my presentation. I'm talking about the importance of measures relating to the extent of this phenomenon of abuse. Last Friday, we attended a seminar in Ottawa where we presented the results of a first national study, conducted in French and English, that measured the scope of abuse toward older people, at home and in seniors' residences. I think that Ms. Lynn McDonald had the opportunity to talk to you about it last week.
I was responsible for the francophone component. We now have a questionnaire that is ready to be administered. It is important to fully understand the situation, but we often—and I would say unfortunately—have to provide numbers to draw attention to the fact that people are being abused. The two population studies that we used to provide approximate data on the extent of this phenomenon are fairly old. The first dates from the 1980s. It shows that at least 4% of seniors living at home are abused by their family. The second, which was done as part of the General Social Survey, so by Statistics Canada, in the late 1990s, reveals that the proportion had reached 7%. So those two studies show us just the tip of the iceberg, given that only seniors able to answer the telephone could answer the questions. That means that someone who could not answer the telephone, someone who was less independent or who was near the abuser, could not answer.
If these 7% are just the tip of the iceberg, it's time we collected some new data. In the questionnaire that we proposed to Human Resources and Skills Development Canada, we clearly showed that it is important to use objective and subjective measures in the case of abuse. For example, if we ask people if they feel neglected, they might say no, but for specific questions, such as whether they have received all the help they need to take a bath or go to the bathroom, they say they haven't received that help. In other words, there is a dichotomy between what people experience and what they feel. So it's important to show the objective and subjective aspects of victimization.
My fourth point deals with the importance of the impact of abuse on the lives of seniors. An American study showed that abused individuals die at a much younger age and have more illnesses than others. It would be important to find out whether the situation is the same in Canada, so to properly measure the repercussions of this abuse.
My last point is about the role of the federal government. Canada has 13 jurisdictions: 10 provinces and three territories. What can bring us together is criminal law, but also reflection on the conditions that may be connected to financial transfers to the provinces. I think it's important that each province take into account the situation of the abuse of older women and that this results in not only political statements but also implementation, which will allow us to follow up in this area.
Thank you.
Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Thank you for the invitation to offer testimony today towards your study on the abuse of older women and, in particular, your interest in the experience of older aboriginal women.
My name is Claudette Dumont-Smith, as Ms. Ashton just said. I'm Algonquin, from the Kitigan Zibi community, which is just 90 miles north of here on the Quebec side.
Welcome to Algonquin territory.
I'm a registered nurse by profession, but I've been in the management field for quite some time now.
I'd like to begin speaking on this issue by going back to 1993, when I was a member of the Aboriginal Circle on the Canadian Panel on Violence Against Women. Through the work carried out by the panel, extensive research was carried out on the issue of violence against women, including the aboriginal female population. It was documented in the panel's final report in 1993 that there was a serious lack of research on aboriginal elderly women who are victims of violence and abuse.
Moving forward to 2002, I carried out research for the Aboriginal Healing Foundation on the issue of elder abuse in Canada. My research again indicated the lack of data on elder abuse in Canada in general, and even less data specific to the aboriginal population. In 2007, as the health director of the Native Women's Association of Canada, I prepared a proposal to examine elder abuse specific to aboriginal women and once again realized the scarceness of data in this area.
I would suggest that the findings of the research paper of 2002 would still hold true today, because there just isn't any research out there. That paper focused on domestic abuse, which is defined as “any of several forms of abuse or maltreatment of an older person by someone who has a special relationship with the elder”. The three most frequent forms of abuse towards the elderly are the physical, psychological, and financial forms, including neglect.
Although there is a lack of statistical evidence to indicate that the rate of abuse and neglect of aboriginal female seniors is greater than that for the mainstream population, it is highly unlikely or even implausible to think that the rates would be similar or even less in light of their living conditions. Every indicator of violence, or known contributing factors, raises the risk of violence for aboriginal women, and makes the rate greater.
For example, aboriginal people experience higher rates of domestic violence overall. Drugs and alcohol dependency are serious issues. Overcrowding is common with the extended family, that is, the older members living with younger families. The loss of a role in the aboriginal society due to the impacts of the Indian residential school system, along with poorer socio-economic conditions, indicate that they live in very high-risk conditions in regard to violence and neglect.
I would like to inform the members of this standing committee that the Native Women's Association of Canada has been addressing this issue since 2007, but first I would like tell you about the Native Women's Association of Canada. It has served aboriginal women in Canada for 37 years, with the goal of enhancing, promoting, and fostering the social, economic, cultural, and political well-being of aboriginal women of all ages.
As mentioned above, a proposal was submitted to the new horizons for seniors program to examine this issue. Through the funding that was received, NWAC was able to carry out its very successful 22-month project entitled "Grandmother Spirit." I'd like to speak on that project now.
The Grandmother Spirit project was undertaken to raise awareness of senior abuse, safety, and well-being for senior aboriginal women in Canada. The project was based on the belief that grandmothers, senior aboriginal women, hold tremendous life experience and wisdom, and that they should guide work carried out on the issues of senior abuse, as well as identify what needs to be done to help ensure that senior aboriginal women are safe and well in their communities.
This honours the spirit of our grandmothers, of the roles our grandmothers held prior to colonization, and also the need to restore recognition and respect of these roles in our communities and Canadian society today.
The project was guided by an advisory committee composed of elders, community members, service providers, and academics--and it even included youth. The advisory committee served to ensure that this project was carried out in a good way, by helping to develop the approach to research and consulting on issues of ethics, sampling, and how to share the knowledge that was gathered.
The Grandmother Spirit project used an aboriginal approach to research, gathering together grandmothers from across the country in research circles to collect their stories and learn from their life experiences and wisdom. The grandmothers were asked to share what they knew or were taught about the care of seniors/grandmothers, what they felt impacted safety and well-being, including issues of senior abuse, what was happening or already existing in their communities that helped to address issues of safety and well-being, and what they felt was needed, but more importantly, their visions for moving forward.
The grandmothers shared that there was a general lack of respect toward grandmothers and grandfathers, which contributes to the invisibility or acceptability of senior abuse in our communities. Actively revitalizing respect for our seniors and elders and for all our community members is an important action towards preventing the mistreatment and abuse of seniors and elders from becoming normalized.
The grandmothers were able to describe many factors, which also came out in the 2002 study, that they see as contributing to or holding senior abuse in place, including: fear, silence, isolation, poverty, the need for more engagement of seniors and elders by political leadership, and the challenges of addressing issues of abuse in smaller communities. Further, they described a range of abuse they had witnessed or experienced in their own communities, including: neglect; emotional, psychological, sexual, financial, and material abuse; and abuse relating to medication.
The abuse relating to medication was very commonly discussed and included a range of abuses, from the theft of a grandmother's medication for use or sale by a family member, to the abuse of medications to have grandmothers sedated such that family members could more easily access their home, their belongings, or their money.
Institutional abuse is an emerging category that was identified through the Grandmother Spirit project and it should be further explored in future research exploring issues of senior abuse. Here, institutional abuse refers to harm to seniors or violation of their rights resulting from institutional or government policies or practices.
One of the key examples would be the barriers for many aboriginal seniors to age in place--that is, to remain in their own communities--due to lack of services, resources, or facilities. Many reserve-based communities have complained of the difficulties of trying to secure funding to build, maintain, and offer long-term care and/or assisted living centres.
For some seniors, accessing needed care means they are moved several hundred or more kilometres away from their home communities, their family members, and land. The resulting isolation, often paired with care provided in English instead of their own language, and care that is not culturally sensitive, was directly linked by the grandmothers to the experience of being ripped away and placed in residential schools. The category of institutional abuse underlines the need to address systemic issues that can re-enact trauma or compound the social exclusion experienced by aboriginal peoples in Canada.
At the same time, the grandmothers also identified things they saw in their communities that were helping to raise awareness of, to stop, or to prevent senior abuse. For example, one grandmother had started a local radio show to raise awareness and talk about issues of senior abuse. In one on-reserve community, we learned about an innovative program in which local RCMP officers visit and have tea with elders who the community or community health staff have identified as vulnerable or who they think may be experiencing abuse but not reporting it.
Another example of a positive approach to promoting the safety and well-being of grandmothers is embodied in the work of the Aboriginal Senior Resource Centre of Winnipeg. The centre offers a broad range of programs and services that continue to evolve in response to the needs of the seniors served by the centre. It provides assisted living units for aboriginal seniors and opportunities for seniors to socialize, speak their own language, share their knowledge, develop new skills, volunteer, and participate in the local community, all of which can be understood from a holistic approach as contributing toward safety and well-being.
We asked the grandmothers who participated in our project to share what they feel is needed to keep grandmothers safe and well in their communities. This includes emphasizing the importance of cultural values and family and community relations, as well as addressing broader structural issues of chronic underfunding for aboriginal community services. Reflecting on the knowledge of the grandmothers' efforts to address issues of senior abuse, safety, and well-being requires a culturally driven, long-term, holistic view that engages all members of our communities from young to old.
NWAC will continue to pursue funding to develop meaningful resources, programming, and policy analysis to support aboriginal women, their families, and communities in addressing senior abuse, safety, and well-being, based on the recommendations of the grandmothers who participated in our project. This includes a heavy emphasis on fostering cultural connections, including relationships between the youth and the seniors, developing educational and workshop materials for the community, assisting aboriginal women, and advocating for needed change in policies related to inadequate funding support for on-reserve or aboriginal-specific long-term care, home and respite care, and home improvement programs to help grandmothers modify their homes so they can age in place in their homes.
It should be noted that NWAC has held a seat on the advisory committee for the National Initiative for the Care of the Elderly, NICE, a project that is developing a national definition and measurements of the abuse of older adults. NWAC continues to advocate for attention to issues of cultural relevance and sensitivity in how these definitions and measurements may be used.
We look forward to continuing to work with all stakeholders in the field of senior abuse to ensure that the unique needs, concerns, and circumstances of senior aboriginal women are addressed.
Thank you.
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Thank you. I'm very pleased to present to the House of Commons Standing Committee on the Status of Women.
In my remarks today, I will examine some of the background information relevant to a study of violence against older women. I will also prioritize the voices of marginalized older women by sharing the experiences of two women, Mei and Darlene, both of whom have experienced elder abuse. Their names and some other critical information have been changed.
I will close with some key messages.
Violence against girls and women is ubiquitous. For females, exposure to violence occurs across the lifespan, beginning in childhood and extending into adulthood and, indeed, old age. Young girls in Canada are at the greatest risk for all forms of child abuse and neglect compared to boys, according to the best available evidence. The gender difference is particularly dramatic in the incidence of child sexual abuse, with a three-fold difference observed. This gender difference is also noted globally.
The General Social Survey of Canada reports similar rates of victimization between men and women in adulthood. These studies, however, fail to account for the context or the outcome of violence. DeKeseredy and Dragiewicz argue that the characterization of violence as sex-symmetrical is unwarranted, because of the magnitude of men's violence against intimates as well as the gendered cultural environment that propagates violence against women.
Despite the limitation in existing statistical evidence, there is much to say that in Canada women are more likely than men to be victims of the most severe forms of spousal assault, as well as spousal homicide, sexual assault, and criminal harassment. Women are five times more likely to be killed by intimates than are men, whose greatest risk of homicide is from strangers or acquaintances.
The disproportionate rates of violence against women are also reported internationally. A World Health Organization study concluded that one of the most common forms of violence against women is that performed by a husband or a male partner.
Canada's population is rapidly aging. Consequently, issues related to older adults, such as violence against older women, must be a priority. The importance of elder abuse research is justified by the serious psychological, physical, and economic consequences of elder abuse, which have been estimated at more than $500 million a year.
A growing body of evidence suggests that different types of violence, from childhood to older age, share similar etiologies, risk, and protective factors. Victims of one form of violence are at greater risk of experiencing another form. Different forms of violence may occur simultaneously in the same family or in the same person. The presence of one form of violence may be a strong predictor of the existence of other forms in that setting.
Many definitions of elder abuse have been offered, none of which have been accepted universally. Recent definitions have taken more of a human rights approach in looking at the violence against older adults. A recent analysis of the prevalence rates of spousal abuse for older adults using the General Social Survey data found no difference based on gender. However, once again, these studies suffer from flaws, as previously outlined.
The World Health Organization identified populations of older adults at increased risk for abuse. These include women, those living in poverty, the very old, and individuals with limited functional capacity. Race and ethnicity have also been implicated.
In this next section, I will provide some information on two of these populations, with an illustrative case for each.
The first is immigrant women. As the Canadian population ages, it is also becoming increasingly ethnoculturally diverse. Presently, immigrants represent a considerably large group among older adults in Canada, with women comprising the greater proportion of older immigrants.
Despite this demographic trend, little is known about the key issues facing older immigrant women. A key concern for women across their lifespans is violence against women. While considerable research is emerging on violence against women and on abuse of older adults, a dearth of Canadian research exists on older immigrants' experience of violence.
Now I'm going to talk about Mei. After she was widowed at age 68, Mei emigrated from Hong Kong to Calgary as a family class sponsored immigrant. Sponsored by her son, she was initially happy to be reunited with him, his wife, and their two young children.
She soon realized that her role as esteemed elder and head of the household was not recognized in this new setting. Instead, her role was to cook, clean, and care for her grandchildren. She also turned over her substantial assets to help her family. She was often chastised for her inability to care for her grandchildren. They didn't listen to her and she could not communicate with them. She spoke only Mandarin; they spoke only English.
The relationship between her and her daughter-in-law deteriorated. It seemed as if Mei could never do enough or do it right. Her son did not want to take sides, and she was reluctant to speak to him about these issues. Her son decided to invest her money in a condo in Chinatown. Initially Mei was supportive of this, as she thought it would be a good investment. When the tension between Mei and her daughter-in-law continued to escalate, her son moved her into the condo. The condo was without furniture; she had a mattress to sleep on.
Mei found out that she was not on the lease, which was solely in her son's name, and all of her assets had been used by her son. She thought of returning to Hong Kong, but had no means of doing so. She had no one to turn to. Despite her shame and despair, she sought help from an immigrant-serving agency. There was little they could do. She was not a landed immigrant and thus fell through the cracks in terms of service.
The settlement worker had been helping her with gift certificates to buy food. When the worker offered to speak to her son, Mei refused. She did not want to bring dishonour to her family. He was not to know that she had told anyone.
The second population is aboriginal women. In 2009, 13% of all aboriginal women aged 15 and older had been violently victimized. This is almost three times the rate for non-aboriginal women. Less is known about the violence against older aboriginal women specifically.
The high rates of violence experienced by aboriginal women must be put in the context of the legacy of marginalization and oppression due to colonialism, patriarchy, and the effects of Euro-Canadian governance on their lives. Residential schools have also left a permanent mark on survivors. Aboriginal persons who attended residential schools were unable to learn and model healthy gender roles, and frequently experienced all forms of abuse.
Currently, aboriginal women in Canada are disadvantaged by social factors and structural inequities that pose barriers to their optimum wellness. Overcrowding and inadequate housing, under- and unemployment, poverty, addictions, violence of all forms, and limited supports are characteristics of the lives of aboriginal women.
Now I'm going to share the story of Darlene. Darlene is a 65-year-old Cree woman who lives on a small reserve in northern Ontario. She describes herself as a traditional woman who took a long time to find her path. She says the residential school beat it out of her. She currently lives alone in a small house that she describes as just held together by a couple of nails. But it is her home and she is proud of it. She lives on a pension. Darlene says she doesn't have much, but she gets by.
She worries a lot about the people in her community, especially her grandchildren. When she gets her pension cheque each month, she knows that her grandchildren and their friends will come to visit. Sometimes this is okay; she feeds them and talks to them and they have a good time.
Most times, it's not okay. Sometimes they demand money, especially when they have been drinking. If she says no, sometimes they push her and take her purse anyway. Darlene worries a lot about money. Will she have enough to last until the end of month? Will she be able to get her medication? She doesn't really blame her grandchildren. She says that she wasn't always a very good mother. How could she be? She never saw her own parents after she was six years of age.
Darlene thinks sometimes that if she just tries to help her grandchildren and the other kids in the community, things will be better. She talked to the community health representative about the situation. When the representative talked about calling the police, Darlene got scared. Now she doesn't want to talk to anyone. She doesn't want her grandchildren to have to go through what she did.
The family violence literature is replete with examples of failure to recognize, detect, and appropriately intervene in cases of abuse. Problems in recognition and reporting of elder abuse have been noted in the literature, as well as the fear of retaliation, loss of family relationships, shame and embarrassment, and a lack of knowledge about or access to services. This may be higher in some ethnocultural communities.
The key recommendation to the Canadian government for research directions in support of elder abuse policy work was the need to collect data on the prevalence and incidence of elder abuse through large-scale and small-scale surveys of older adults residing in the community and in institutional settings. This data is necessary because, as Johnson argues, “decision-makers require clear understanding of the nature and severity of the social problems in order to develop effective responses”.
I have four key messages.
Older adults in Canada have the right to live in safe and secure environments that optimize their ability to have maximum control in making decisions about their lives. In Canada, there exists a critical need for data on the prevalence of violence against older adults; this knowledge is necessary to inform policy and programming initiatives aimed at reducing violence and ameliorating the associated harms. Research is currently under way with the National Initiative for the Care of the Elderly to clarify definitions and measurement issues concerning elder abuse and neglect. This work provides the foundational knowledge to conduct rigorous and methodologically sound prevalence and incidence studies.
Attention to the accurate assessment of violence against older adults should also attend to populations defined as “heightened risk”, including the old, very old women, the disabled, aboriginal persons, and immigrants. Researchers across Canada have done some of the preliminary work required to develop a program of research on the prevention of abuse and neglect among older immigrant women. This work could be useful in developing measures and tools that are culturally appropriate.
I would like to thank our guests for attending today. Your comments are very helpful for what we are considering.
You will find in this committee that some of us—and perhaps all of us—will ask questions in a pointed way to try to get our agendas on the table. I'd like to go a little broader than that if I can, please, because I think what we are trying to do is have an objective sense of it.
I'm always concerned by those who have the view that there isn't a situation they can find where throwing money at it won't solve the problem. If it were that simple.... Frankly, I think it's much deeper, and I think that if there is anything I've taken from the testimony that you've provided today, it's exactly that. There are other deep-rooted issues.
Respectfully, Ms. Dumont-Smith, what I find very interesting between your testimony and that of Ms. Walsh, as we have heard from our witnesses before, is that it may matter or be different by degree. But when you talk about some of the very serious issues in terms of elder abuse.... I'm mindful, by the way, that when I say that with respect to our aboriginial communities, I mean elder in the sense of older person abuse, if you'll forgive me for just using that as a reference.
Many of the issues--in fact, if I might be this bold, all of the issues--are the same, maybe not by degree, but in terms of physical, emotional, financial, and various kinds of abuses that we all know. There may be some areas in which the degree is different for some of the things you have told us today. That might well be true. I'm just compelled by the similarities. I think that is very interesting.
There is something that did work with your community and that you talked about, Ms. Dumont-Smith. I would like to get a better insight into it, because when things work, I am really interested. You talked about the Grandmother Spirit project. Forgive me, but was that a new horizons program?