My name is Margaret Trottier, and I'm a Senior Policy Analyst with the Policy Implementation Directorate of Programs Branch within the Department of Justice. I am responsible for the drug treatment court funding program.
In recognition of the link between drug use and crime, the drug treatment court funding program was established in 2005. It is a policy partnership between the Department of Justice and Health Canada that enables federal Justice and Health officials to test horizontal approaches to addressing the challenges created by drug-addicted offenders in the criminal justice system.
The objectives of the drug treatment court funding program are to promote and strengthen the use of alternatives to incarceration for drug-addicted offenders; to build knowledge and awareness among criminal justice, health, and social service practitioners and the general public about drug treatment courts; and to collect information and data on the effectiveness of drug treatment courts so that we can promote best practices.
As a component of the national anti-drug strategy treatment action plan, the drug treatment court funding program supports six drug treatment court pilots across Canada. They are in Toronto, Vancouver, Edmonton, Winnipeg, Ottawa, and Regina. The annual budget is $3.6 million.
Drug treatment courts operate within the criminal justice system. They combine judicial supervision with substance abuse treatment in a concerted effort to break the cycle of drug use and criminal recidivism for repeat offenders whose crimes are motivated by drug addiction.
Persons with drug charges are not automatically referred to a drug court. Drug treatment courts, for example, will not accept the violent accused or persons who are involved in commercial drug trafficking. If the accused have used a young person under the age of 18 in the commission of the offence, or if they are charged with a residential break and enter, they do not qualify to enter a drug treatment court.
Participation in the drug treatment court program includes court attendance up to twice a week, random and frequent drug testing, and attendance in a treatment program. Attendance at court on a regular basis allows the participant to inform the court of his or her progress and allows the court to reward compliance, sanction non-compliance, or impose new conditions or interventions to help the participants break the cycle of crime and addiction.
Drug treatment court clients continue to participate in the program, typically for more than a year, until they meet the criteria for graduation. To graduate, they must achieve a prescribed period of abstinence from drugs while abiding by all conditions and establishing stability in the community.
Not all DTC participants graduate. Some will be terminated from the program for incurring new charges, for being dishonest with the court, for repeatedly not complying with conditions, or for failing to attend treatment. Drug treatment courts aim to reduce the harm people cause to themselves and others through their drug use and to reduce the risk that these individuals will continue to use drugs and thereby continue to come into conflict with the criminal justice system.
The pilot sites supported by the drug treatment court funding program require strong collaboration between legal and treatment professionals at the local level. The drug treatment court funding program does not specify a model for the pilot sites to follow. As a result, each pilot site has its own unique characteristics that take into account the needs of the offender population in that particular city.
As mentioned, another objective of the drug treatment court funding program is to provide the opportunity to build knowledge and awareness among stakeholders and the general population about drug treatment courts. Efforts in this regard have included support to the Canadian Association of Drug Treatment Court Professionals for national conferences in 2006 and 2008, as well as round table events in 2007 and 2009. We also support an electronic bulletin board that facilitates exchange of best practices and lessons learned among drug treatment courts in Canada.
Finally, we are focusing efforts on national data collection as we implement the summative evaluation recommendations. As part of ongoing program management, Justice Canada is committed to further review and evaluation as we determine the effectiveness of this innovative approach to dealing with drug addicted offenders in the criminal justice system.
As the majority of pilot sites have been operating for fewer than four years, it's not possible at this time, based on the data available, to determine if drug treatment courts are the most appropriate criminal justice intervention for drug addicted offenders or if they are the most efficient or cost-effective way of dealing with substance abuse issues in the criminal justice system.
The has recently announced that the drug treatment court funding program will continue to provide funding support until March 31, 2012, to the existing six drug treatment court pilot sites, in an effort to continue to study the effectiveness of DTCs in Canada.
That concludes my opening remarks on the drug treatment court funding program. I'd be happy to answer any questions.
My name is Doug Brady and I am the Executive Director of the Edmonton Drug Treatment and Community Restoration Court, as we are called, and also the Interim National Director for the Canadian Association of Drug Treatment Court Professionals.
The Canadian Association of Drug Treatment Court Professionals is a recently incorporated organization dedicated to the development and sustainability of drug treatment courts in Canada, and it demonstrates this effectiveness through a comprehensive and consistent national evaluation. I'm going to tell you a little bit about the organization, or the origin of drug courts.
The first drug court began in Dade County, Miami, in 1989 as a result of drug addicts repeatedly coming before the court system—also known as a revolving door system—and overburdening the jail system. What they found was that under the traditional court system, drug addicts continued to commit crime and never adequately dealt with their drug addiction. Traditional treatment, court, and correctional methods did not show success. They found a solution by combining drug treatment with the structure and authority of a judge. Working as a team, they were able to effect lasting change in the lifestyle and behaviour of drug court participants.
Since 1989 drug courts have grown in the U.S. to over 2,369—that's as of October 2009—of which over 1,250 are adult drug courts. In 2009 President Obama increased funding to the U.S. drug courts by 250%, and he is allocating $103 million in the coming year. This was preceded by a 50% increase the year before by the Bush administration.
The first drug treatment court outside the United States began in December 1998 in Toronto, and since then more than 27 programs have been implemented in 10 countries worldwide. Apart from the six federally funded drug treatment courts, there are three other drug treatment courts that operate independently, and they have their funding from various sources. That would include Durham, Calgary, and Moose Jaw, which has one person in their program at the present time.
Drug treatment courts operate under what is called therapeutic justice. It is a program that provides intensive treatment and services for participants who need to get and remain clean and sober. We regularly randomly test for drug use, often once a week, or more times depending on the person's need. We hold each participant accountable by the drug treatment court judge for meeting their obligations to the court, society, themselves, and their families. It requires participants to appear in court frequently so that the judge may review their progress, and it rewards participants for doing well or sanctions them when they do not live up to their obligations.
How effective are drug treatment courts? Only 11.6% of those who complete the drug treatment court program run into trouble again with the law. That's a Canadian statistic from the UN Office on Drugs and Crime. Break-even analysis showed that to provide a net economic benefit to the wider society, only 8% of offenders seen by the courts would need to stop taking drugs for five years or more following the completion of their sentence, and only 14% in order to provide a net economic benefit to the criminal justice system. Many of our statistics come from the U.S. because they've been operating now for over 20 years. So when I'm quoting some statistics from here on in, it will be from the U.S. statistics. They have learned how drug courts work and they're constantly reviving their programs and making sure they get the best information out there.
In February 2005 the Government Accountability Office issued its third report on the effects of adult criminal drug courts. Although upfront costs for drug courts were generally higher than for probation, drug courts were found to be more cost-effective in the long run because they avoided law enforcement efforts, judicial case processing, and victimization resulting from future criminal activity. In Canada, those who participate in drug treatment courts would not be eligible for probation as a court disposition. The same extensive review of drug courts concluded that adult drug court programs substantially reduce crime by lowering rearrest and conviction rates among drug court graduates well after program completion.
In recent years researchers have continued to uncover definitive evidence for both the efficacy and cost-effectiveness of drug courts. The most rigorous and conservative estimate of the effect of any program is derived from meta-analysis in which scientists statistically average the effects of the program over numerous research studies. Four independent meta-analyses have now concluded that drug courts significantly reduce crime rates on an average of approximately seven to fourteen percentage points. In some evaluations, the effects on crime were as high as 35 percentage points.
Importantly, the effects were greatest for high-risk offenders who had more severe criminal histories and drug problems. This suggests that drug courts may be best suited for the most incorrigible and drug-addicted offenders who cannot be safely or effectively managed in the community or on standard probation. Some of the statistics from Canada include that 50% to 60% of the crime is done by 15% of the offenders.
One of the facts from the National Association of Drug Court Professionals is that unless drug-addicted offenders are regularly supervised by a judge and held accountable, 70% drop out of treatment prematurely. Drug courts are six times more likely to keep offenders on treatment long enough for them to get better. For every $1 invested in drug courts, taxpayers save as much as $3.36 in avoided criminal justice costs alone. When considering other cost offsets, such as savings from reduced victimization and health care service utilization, studies have shown benefits up to $12 for every $1 invested. Drug courts produce cost savings ranging from $4,000 to $12,000 per client. These cost savings reflect reduced prison costs, reduced revolving-door arrests and trials, and reduced victimization.
For methamphetamine-addicted people, drug courts increase treatment program graduation rates by nearly 80%. When compared to eight other programs, drug courts quadrupled the number in terms of abstinence from methamphetamine. Drug courts reduce methamphetamine use by more than 50% compared to outpatient treatment alone.
That's my presentation. I will be open to questions.
My name is Dr. Helen Ward. I'm a psychiatrist. I'm in charge of the forensic program at the Royal Ottawa Mental Health Centre, which is the local psychiatric facility. I'm also a member of the Ottawa Mental Health Court organizing committee and I'm here to talk to you about mental health courts. I think I'm the only one to speak about this issue today.
Essentially, mental health courts came along subsequent to drug treatment courts when it was realized that problem-solving courts had a role to play and that mental health could also be addressed in this manner. We're a little further behind in terms of outcomes and structure.
They started in the United States. The first mental health court in Canada started in Toronto. In the last three to four years there's been a profusion of mental health courts erupting across the country in pretty much every city, and in some sense, quite small centres have started to get involved with mental health.
The reason for this is that there has become a recognition of the criminalization of the mentally ill and of the Penrose effect. You're probably familiar with the idea that there has really been a trans-institutionalization. Back in the 1950s we had all these psychiatric beds and now we have all these correctional beds. As the psychiatric beds have gone down, the correctional beds have gone up, and the same numbers of the mentally ill are institutionalized, just in the wrong place.
The idea behind mental health courts is to try to address some of these issues. Particularly, mental health courts should recognize that, but for the person's mental health condition, they wouldn't have come to the criminal justice system in the first place. That's the kind of person we're trying to treat at a mental health court. We're not trying to capture every criminal who claims a mental illness, but we are trying to capture people whose mental illness was in some way a strong contributor to their being in trouble at all.
One of the ways this is done is by diversion, and that's one of the purposes of mental health courts. As we've gone along, we've come to recognize that the crowns' offices and the courts are pretty good at diversion on their own. They've been doing diversion for a long time.
Shoplifters who might have a depression don't need a mental health court for the most part, but there are more serious cases and more serious offences where mental health has been involved, where the Criminal Code in terms of a section 16 or a not criminally responsible offence doesn't apply, or a fitness to stand trial issue doesn't apply, but there's still a serious mental illness that needs to be addressed. These people may well not be eligible for diversion because they may have committed a level two offence. They're not going to necessarily end up with a stay of their charges or anything like that; there's going to be some penalty, but there can be an improved outcome if they are connected with mental health services.
One of the big purposes is to connect people with mental health services. It's a real patchwork out there. There's some improvement, but it's very difficult for the mentally ill and the families of the mentally ill to get access to the services they need in the civil psychiatric system. They often end up in this funnel called a mental health court.
Another thing that's important to consider, especially for the seriously mentally ill, is that they may not have much of an idea about why they're in court at all. They may not have much of an idea about how the whole thing works and they can often be highly intimidated. They often come across defence attorneys who really don't have a good sense of how to communicate with them, or may not understand their problems, or may not understand the questions to ask them about their problems. All of this plays a role in how they're treated by the court.
As you probably know, people with a mental illness who are convicted for an offence end up serving more time than people without a mental illness convicted for the same offence. This is probably for a few reasons. One of them is that the seriously mentally ill may not have supports. Another is that when they're in jail they may end up with poor institutional behaviour that ends up with their having the maximum sentence or being re-sentenced.
Because there isn't really as big a movement yet with mental health courts, and because it's not as clearly a federal matter as the drug treatment courts, there's been a real diversity in what has sprung up across the country in terms of mental health courts. They tend to come up quite informally.
For example, in Ottawa we started our mental health court without any additional funding. We basically focused our resources. We took some resources that had been provided to the hospital to provide outreach clinics, and we started running an outreach clinic at the courthouse. The Canadian Mental Health Association had been paid by the province to put in outreach workers, and we kind of expanded the role of that intake worker. The crown attorney assigned a particular assistant crown attorney to the mental health court. So we all basically pooled our resources and put them together in one court, but with no extra money. That's fairly common across the country. People just saw there was a need and started to do it.
In Toronto the model they run uses a lot of bail appearances, similar to what you've heard about drug treatment courts, where the accused appears in front of the judge very frequently, and there are court support workers based at the courthouse. For those people, they did get extra funding in order to help those people access resources in the community. That's the model they use.
In New Brunswick there's a model in which they set up a program and the person signs on. They follow this program, and at the end of the program they get X, Y, or Z outcome. That's similar to one of the very interesting courts--even though it's outside Canada--the Brooklyn Mental Health Court, which is a felony mental health court. This is a court that offers people with a mental health condition who have committed a very serious offence a placement and treatment for their mental health, rather than jail. That's the kind of thing we want to try to offer here when we can.
In Ottawa, we very much run a court that is intentionally quite flexible. You don't have a lot of requirements to sign on. It set the requirement that there has to be a mental health condition and that the mental health condition has contributed substantially to the offence, and you have to have some willingness to participate in some treatment. We basically take it from there. We try to engage people in treatment. Then we have special pretrials, where people from all kinds of mental health agencies participate with the attorneys in deciding on the legal outcome. It may end up being a section 810 or peace bond, but it also may end up being a conditional sentence served in their home, and further probation, but this is less than what they would have gotten otherwise.
When we're looking at what makes up a mental health court--there are some good documents out there, so I won't try to go through the whole thing--I would say you really do need people who are specialized. You have to have teams that have some familiarity and get some training, so crown attorneys, and ideally legal aid, duty counsel, should have special training. You want to make training available across the board. You really need to have the treatment people engaged in the court. As I said, we run a clinic at the courthouse. People can see me and my team and start to get treatment from the courthouse. You need to have a judiciary that are willing to consider these issues as well, of course, and are educated.
Funding is pretty important. You don't need a lot of funding, though. As I've shown, you can do a lot with pretty much no extra funding, but very small amounts of funding in terms of coordinators would really make a big difference across the country.
Concerning outcomes, what we know about mental health court outcomes is less than with drug treatment courts, and basically what we know comes from the States. Justice Schneider, who runs the Toronto Mental Health Court, wrote a book on mental health courts that came out last year. In that book he said there aren't good outcomes yet, particularly from Canada, and I would concur. But there is some good preliminary information from the United States that shows that if you compare people's interaction with the criminal justice system in the year before they went into the mental health court with the year after, you'll see that it reduces their arrest rate by four times, which is a significant improvement. It also would show that people who complete the program are much less likely to recidivate than people who did not complete the program.
There are also, of course, mental health outcomes you can measure. It's quite clear from our court that there are improved mental health outcomes. People get better. They stay well. They get into treatment. They get into housing, which is often a very important component. And these people are much less likely to end up in the mental health system, which is even more expensive. If they end up in an in-patient bed, it's even more expensive than ending up in corrections.
It is not clear yet whether there are financial benefits. One of the things you have to consider is that you are taking people from a corrections system and potentially shifting them to a mental health system, and of course, both of those are still state-funded. Really, it is about making sure people are getting the right treatment, and if people get the right treatment and get established on treatment, then they're going to stay well and stay out of hospital. Of course, we're a provincially operated treatment system, so it makes it difficult, but in my opinion, there should be better community treatment provisions in place, in terms of legal provisions, to treat the seriously mentally ill. This would help to make the Mental Health Court successful.
Finally, what are the challenges? You have to have buy-in. You have to have buy-in from the crown. You have to have buy-in from defence counsel. Defence counsel will often shy away from the mental health court because they can make pretty good deals on the side with a crown attorney in another court. So they don't always take people through a mental health court if they think it won't be of use.
My colleagues aren't always pleased with me for going to mental health court. They think I'm case-finding and bringing them more business. And you know what? I might be, but it's business they should be dealing with anyway. It does put pressure on these people when my patients, whom I've picked up in mental health court, show up in their emergency rooms and are now connected with people who are advocating for them. It makes a difference in who gets treated.
Those are my comments. I can answer any questions later.
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The people who come into drug treatment courts typically are some of the most disadvantaged people in society. They're very often homeless when they come in. They have very high needs, and because of their history, they have quite a high risk of reoffending.
One of the difficulties in doing a national evaluation and coming to some kind of conclusive data is how different each court is. As Dr. Ward expressed, they really are built on community models that respond to the unique needs and structure of each community. I can say that in Ottawa the average participant who comes into our program--we assess them very carefully before they come in and we do some extensive interviews with them--uses, on average, $500 a day worth of drugs before coming into our program. All of this, of course, has to be supported by criminal activity. And you understand, of course, that you don't commit $500 worth of crime to buy $500 worth of drugs. The cost is much higher than that.
We did some analysis within our program and found that in a one-year period, approximately $3 million in drugs were not consumed in our community. That doesn't even consider the crime required to support that amount of consumption. So I think the courts are very effective.
In terms of reducing criminal activity, in our first year of operation we operated differently. You have to remember that drug treatment courts have been running in Canada for about three years, during the most recent funding agreement anyway, and we're learning as we go. In our first year, about 40-some per cent of our clients reoffended while being involved in the program. We increased the intensity. We brought in some criminal thinking. And we dropped that down to about 14%. It's gone lower since.
You have to remember that there are two types of reoffending: the one they get caught for and the one they don't get caught for. If somebody's using $500 a day, they're committing a criminal act every day--many, many criminal acts. I spoke to one client recently who told me that he would shoplift all day, until the stores closed, and then he would start breaking into cars. I like to think that any day a client is in drug treatment court and not using and not committing crime is a good day and is a benefit to our community.