[Translation]
Mr. Chair and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you this morning as part of your study on competitiveness in the agricultural sector.
My name is Adam Fanaki and I am the Acting Senior Deputy Commissioner of Competition for the Competition Bureau's Mergers Branch. I am accompanied by Morgan Currie, who is an Acting Assistant Deputy Commissioner of Competition in the Mergers Branch, and by Denis Corriveau, who is the Senior Competition Law Officer in the Mergers Branch.
[English]
We've been invited here today to discuss our analysis of mergers of meat processing and livestock auction facilities in Canada from 2005 to the present. Specifically, I'll be discussing two recent transactions reviewed by the bureau—the 2005 acquisition by Cargill Limited of the Better Beef group of companies, and the 2009 acquisition by XL Foods of Lakeside Packers.
Before I address these transactions, I'd like to provide the committee with a brief overview of Canada's competition framework, including recent amendments to our principal legislation, the Competition Act.
The committee has already identified competitiveness as an issue that is central to the future of agricultural productivity and the future of Canadian producers. We look forward to assisting the committee in its deliberations on this important topic.
In 2007, this committee recommended certain amendments to the Competition Act. We are pleased to note that the government recently enacted significant reforms to the Competition Act that incorporated many of this committee's recommendations and the recommendations of the Competition Policy Review Panel. These changes, along with other amendments to the civil, criminal, and merger provisions of the act, will improve the effectiveness and efficiency of competition law enforcement in Canada.
In respect of the merger review process, acquisitions of shares or assets, like amalgamations that exceed certain financial thresholds, must be reported to the Competition Bureau prior to closing. The bureau reviews these transactions to determine whether the evidence demonstrates that such mergers are likely to substantially lessen or prevent competition in a given market. If the bureau determines that a merger is likely to substantially lessen or prevent competition, the commissioner may seek a remedy either by negotiating with the parties or by litigating the case before the Competition Tribunal. In all cases, the bureau's goal is to preserve competition in the marketplace.
The importance of timely but thorough merger reviews based on sound economic principles and convincing evidence cannot be overstated. In short, getting merger reviews right in respect of determining which transactions should be challenged and which should be allowed to proceed has important consequences for the Canadian economy.
The recent amendments to the act improve the efficiency of the merger review process by establishing a mechanism that enables the bureau to obtain the information required to conduct its review of mergers raising material competition concerns, while reducing the number of mergers for which pre-notification to the Competition Bureau is required. I should emphasize that the amendments relate to the process of merger review. Our substantive approach to merger review remains the same, including the economic analysis applied by the bureau to assess the competitive effects of mergers.
Besides the changes to the merger review process, there were a number of other changes to the Competition Act, including amendments to the conspiracy provision. By increasing penalties for criminal conduct, these amendments create a more effective criminal enforcement regime for the most egregious forms of cartel agreements, without discouraging firms from engaging in potentially beneficial alliances, joint ventures, and other collaborations. One of these amendments, consistent with the recommendation of this committee, allows the Competition Tribunal to award administrative monetary penalties for abuse of dominance. In addition, to provide greater flexibility in innovative pricing strategies and discounting, the criminal offences dealing with pricing practices have been repealed.
I'd like to turn to the specific mergers that the committee has asked us to address today, beginning with the 2005 merger between Cargill and Better Beef. This transaction involved the acquisition by Cargill Ltd.—which owns an integrated beef packing facility in High River, Alberta—of the Better Beef group of companies, an integrated beef packing facility in Guelph, Ontario. As part of our inquiry into this merger, we sought and obtained court orders requiring the production of relevant documents and written returns of information under oath from Cargill and Better Beef, as well as from competing beef packers. We also interviewed, and obtained information from, feedlot owners, farmers, industry associations, cattle brokers, grocery retailers, and officials from the federal and certain provincial governments. To assist in our review of this transaction, we hired two independent experts—a specialist in agricultural economics and a specialist in industrial organization.
The bureau's analysis of the Cargill-Better Beef transaction focused on the potential impact of the merger on competition in three different aspects of the operations of the merging parties: competition in the supply of retail boxed beef; competition in the supply of “case-ready” beef; and competition in respect of the purchase of live cattle.
One of the key issues in our review was defining the relevant geographic market, meaning the relevant area within which products compete. For example, one of the issues considered was whether the relevant market for the supply of boxed beef was limited to all or part of Canada, or whether the relevant market was broader, so that suppliers of beef located in the United States could be considered as competitive alternatives to suppliers located in Canada. This issue fed into our examination of whether the merged entity could be considered to face competition from suppliers in Canada only, or whether Canadian suppliers also faced competition from suppliers in the United States.
With respect to the supply of retail boxed beef, evidence confirmed that when the U.S. border reopened in August 2003 to boneless beef exports from cattle under 30 months of age, a North American market for boxed beef was re-established. In fact, Canadian customers purchasing boxed beef clearly indicated that suppliers located in the United States were competitive alternatives to Canadian suppliers of boxed beef. In the context of such a broad geographic market relating to the sale of boxed beef, we concluded that the acquisition of Better Beef would not raise competition issues in the downstream market for the supply of boxed beef because the merged entity would continue to face competition from suppliers located both in Canada and in the United States.
The bureau also examined the potential competitive impact of the merger on the supply of “case-ready” beef products, or boxed beef that has been further cut, fabricated, and packaged into servings suitable for display and sale in retail stores. On this issue, we concluded that retailers possessed sufficient countervailing power, including the ability to do their own meat cutting, to counter any attempt to exercise market power by the merged entity.
The third principal issue that we considered was whether the merger was likely to significantly lessen or prevent competition in the purchase of cattle. We concentrated our examination on fed cattle under 30 months of age. The test under our law requires us to consider whether, as a result of the transaction, the merged company would have the ability to profitably lower cattle prices to a level below the competitive market price for a significant period of time.
Again, the key issue in analyzing the effect of this merger on cattle procurement lay in determining the relevant geographic market for the purchase of fed cattle. In the context of this case, what mattered was the ability of sellers of cattle to switch their sales of slaughter cattle in sufficient quantity from one location to another in response to changes in relative prices. We examined the issue of where Canadian suppliers of cattle could sell their cattle--for example, whether Canadian cattle suppliers could sell fed cattle to beef packers located in the United States--and we also examined whether the parties to the transaction competed in respect of their purchase of cattle.
Defining the relevant geographic market also required us to determine the extent to which the Better Beef slaughter plant in Guelph purchased fed cattle in western Canada and was able to influence prices in western Canada. Because Better Beef's plant was located in Guelph, particular attention was paid to the potential impact of the merger in Manitoba. To determine this issue, we examined evidence relating to interprovincial and trans-U.S. border cattle flows, source of origin procurement data for major Canadian packers, transportation costs, and pricing data in the pre- and post-BSE periods.
Evidence established that the two beef packing facilities of the parties purchased cattle in separate geographic markets. We found that there were two relevant geographic markets for suppliers of cattle: one market consisting of western Canada, including Manitoba, plus certain U.S. northern plains states, and another market consisting of eastern Canada, plus certain northeastern U.S. states.
I notice that the chair is kindly asking me to limit this. My full comments are before you in our submission, but I'll perhaps move on and just talk briefly about the next merger before I conclude.
The second merger that we examined was between XL Foods and Lakeside. The bureau conducted a comprehensive examination of the matter, interviewing over 50 industry participants in western Canada. As with the previous merger, one of the key issues was the relevant geographic market for the purchase of cattle. As I noted in our review of the Cargill-Better Beef transaction, we concluded that the relevant geographic market for the procurement of cattle was western Canada and certain U.S. northern plains states. Following our investigation of the XL-Lakeside transaction, we had a similar view that U.S. packers located in northwestern and midwestern states represent competitive alternatives for western Canadian cattle producers. Industry participants confirmed that U.S. packers purchased substantial volumes of slaughter cattle and would continue to influence prices paid to Canadian cattle producers post-merger.
One issue we focused on was the ongoing uncertainty about the impact of legislation for mandatory country-of-origin labelling, or MCOOL. We decided that we would need to continue to monitor the industry and reassess the competitive impact of the transaction once there was more clarity surrounding the implementation of MCOOL. In this regard, the bureau remains in regular contact with various officials and industry participants to continue to assess the impact of MCOOL.
At the end of February, we announced that we would not at that time challenge the XL-Lakeside transaction. However, we made it clear to the parties—and to the public—that we would continue to monitor the industry and reassess the competitive impact of the transaction in light of any developments with respect to MCOOL. I can assure the members of this committee that the bureau will not hesitate to take appropriate remedial action should our assessment reveal that a transaction has resulted, or is likely to result, in a substantial lessening of competition.
To conclude, agriculture producers and Canadians in general can be confident that the bureau takes its work in this area very seriously and recognizes the importance of competition as a key driver of growth, productivity, and innovation in the agricultural sector.
Thank you. I'd be happy to take any of your questions.
:
We may get time to come back to that, but I do have to get the potash question in. Maybe we can come to back to that later.
Mr. Chair, as you know, one of the areas that we're really hearing a lot about is the price of potash and the dominance of three companies in the world clearly managing supply to meet demand--clearly managing supply to meet demand.
In a conference call, Bill Doyle, who is president and CEO of Potash Corporation, in the first quarter of 2009.... He basically admitted they're managing supply to meet demand. He said, and I quote:
With weaker market conditions, we have the ability to exercise the defensive part of our strategy and match potash production to demand as necessary. This response to short term changes in potash demand is the same strategy that has supported our success for more than 20 years now.
We had the fertilizer companies before us a year ago, and they were saying that potash prices were high, that there was nothing they could really do until two new mines were brought in, one in Russia and one in Saskatchewan.
Then we had the recession and the commodity price downturn. All of a sudden, they were laying off people at mines in Saskatchewan and elsewhere in order to manage supply--not because they weren't making money. They were making money. Their profits just weren't gross enough. That's the reality of the world.
I want to read into the record just a little bit of a letter from a former minister, Eugene Whelan. He said he was worried about potash:
Research has led me to believe that there is collusion amongst the world Potash producers. These producers have been able to short supply the world market and at the same time receive outlandish unwarranted prices for the product. When the market price is compared to the cost to produce the Potash, there is no comparison. ... I believe that the actual purchase price for a tonne of Potash should be closer to $250. Yet when I spoke with a local fertilizer supplier, I was quoted $1035 a tonne to buy the Potash.
The end result of the actions by the fertilizer companies is that this essential product for food production is outlandishly priced and many farmers cannot afford to buy it. The Potash producers say there is no demand for the product and have laid miners off. Potash production has been cut back.
There is a real impact here. If there is collusion among these companies....
Now, Mr. Doyle is not poorly paid. His salary in 2007 was $324 million, with bonuses. That's a substantial salary. He's the highest-paid CEO in this country by a long shot.
Something's going on here, guys, with the potash companies globally. Is there anything you can recommend to us? Whether you can deal with it at the Competition Bureau of Canada, I don't know, but more and more there is collusion globally among the corporate sector, which is either increasing prices to farmers on the input side or decreasing prices to farmers on the output side. This has to stop.
Can you give us some recommendations, or tell us what you can do?
:
I could try--putting the salary issue aside--to speak to what it is the Competition Act does and the mechanics of how that works. I can't talk to the specific situation in potash and the various other facts that you addressed in the question.
It's important, I think, for people to recognize that high prices, in and of themselves, are not contrary to the Competition Act. I understand that high prices are a concern for Canadians, and should be a concern for Canadians, but it's important to note that businesses are generally free to set their own prices at whatever level the market will bear.
Where the Competition Bureau has a concern, though, and where the act has application, is where those high prices are a result of a contravention of the act, such as price-fixing among competitors. Part of the reforms that were recently introduced under Bill C-10 would provide a more effective mechanism for addressing these most egregious forms of cartel agreements, such as price-fixing agreements between firms, whether they take place within Canada's borders or outside, and have an impact on Canada.
I would suggest that at least a partial answer to your question is that to the extent that such high prices are as a result of a contravention of the act in the form of a price-fixing agreement between competing firms, we have, through the amendments introduced recently under Bill C-10, an effective provision to address those forms of cartel agreements.
:
On the subject of dominance positions, what we have just heard is quite scandalous. Mr. Easter was reporting the remarks heard in that conference call that the big boss of PotashCorp was part of.
However, I would like to continue on another matter, still related to dominance positions. Recently, down our way in Quebec and all over Canada, a lot of small producers, suppliers and processors received a letter from Loblaws, the grocery chain. The letter informed them that their relationship was terminated unless they registered for the list of products in their warehouse. So, for example, the honey producer in my constituency, who supplied the Loblaws just a few kilometres away, now had to send a lot of his honey to the warehouse in Toronto and pay the fees that allowed him to be registered on the list of products there. About 500 small producers, processors and suppliers in Canada received that letter and are no longer able to sell their products on Loblaws' shelves.
But we are supposed to live in a time when we are looking for markets closer to home, when we want to fight the effects of greenhouse gases and when we prefer to purchase locally, to the extent possible.
A company like Loblaws, together with Sobeys, takes up 75% of the market. Those people are powerless in the face of the powerful economics of the agri-food market.
Representatives of independent grocers have come here on several occasions to tell us how difficult this unacceptable situation is for them. They have also told us that the Competition Bureau could intervene because of recent amendments to the act. An intervention like that might knock some sense into the people in those big companies who do not seem to understand that local purchasing has to be given preference these days. I am sure that they will have all kinds of reasons up their sleeves, reasons to do with making a profit, no doubt. Are there any other reasons?
I would like to know if I am interpreting the act correctly. When sanctions are provided for in situations of dominance like that where the market is being interfered with, does the Competition Bureau have enough power to act?
:
Really your question raises issues that relate to the abuse of dominance provisions of the Competition Act. Let me speak about the “fangs” for a moment. Recently, as I mentioned, Bill C-10 enacted a change to that provision to allow the tribunal to award administrative and monetary penalties of up to $10 million. That's designed to promote greater compliance with the abuse of dominance provisions of the act.
The rest of your question, though, really raises two other issues, and one of them has to do with what we call slotting fees or listing allowances or other restrictions on shelf space in grocery stores. Then the second part is what I would call fidelity rebates or exclusivity perks. Let me just talk for one minute about how the act addresses those, again in a broad context, without talking about any specific companies or specific issues. This will be in the guidelines, so if there's more explanation required, it's also laid out in there.
Where a firm or a group of firms holds a dominant position in respect of the market for a product, the guidelines state that the imposition of fees in exchange for shelf space--and the fact that shelf space is limited--means that such arrangements could have an exclusionary effect on some competitors or classes of competitors. Where a dominant firm does that, the bureau would be concerned that the payment of a slotting allowance is being used by that dominant firm in order to acquire exclusivity or to tie up enough of the available shelf space to preclude other competitors from entering or expanding in the market. That issue is described in further detail in the guidelines themselves.
Now on the issue of exclusivity--and I hate to sound like a broken record--that's something that is discussed in a fair bit of detail. What the guidelines say is that where you have these fidelity rebates, loyalty rebates, or exclusive dealing arrangements, the concern is that they may tie up the market or otherwise prevent competitors from being able to compete in the marketplace, or make it much more difficult for competitors to be able to enter into the market. In cases where those are engaged in by a dominant firm with the intent to exclude competition and with a significant anti-competitive effect, that conduct can be subject to proceedings from the tribunal.
Essentially, that's the kind of--
I have two quick things. One, on the Better Beef and the Cargill merger, you interviewed and obtained information from feedlot owners, farmers, industry, and cattle brokers. Could you first just quickly tell me how that happens in terms of their response, their support in moving ahead in conjunction with all the other investors or stakeholders?
And second, on the XL-Lakeside transaction, you say there were some issues and that you're concerned about the MCOOL and a number of those unknowns. You put it through, and then you said at the end, “I can assure the members of this Committee that the Bureau will not hesitate to take appropriate remedial action....”
I don't know what that actually means, because once it's through, you can't disseminate it and put them back out there. You're going to give them a fine of $10 million or whatever. They make enough money to pay the fine, and then they continue to make the industry uncompetitive beyond their own best value.
Do you have any comments on those?
:
Mr. Fanaki, thank you so much for attending today.
We have received testimony from a number of witnesses, particularly smaller farmers who feel they are controlled to a certain degree by dominance, either from those who control the inputs into their farming, or, on the other end, processing and distribution.
One example was the dominance where some of the processors and distributors, possibly Cargill and other large ones that have their own feedlots and supply their own cattle, manage to get so big that the result is, as Mr. Easter often refers to, the closing of 3,500 to 3,600 farms a year.
When you look at these mergers, do you consider the possible activity of these larger distributors and processors after the fact?
You may have already alluded to this somewhat in your answer to Mr. Hoback's question, but are you able to put aggressive, possibly invasive, conditions on these mergers to prohibit them from engaging in certain conduct later, so that the small guys aren't left out and aren't hurt?
:
Thank you very much, Chair.
What you're hearing from committee members is that there is a real concern here. Farmers are on the receiving end of a lot of things that are going on, things that affect their input prices and things that affect their sales. They're the ones who lose in all of this. You're hearing it in different shapes and forms, touching on different subjects.
I want to come back to potash, because I've just heard grave concerns from farmers about potash prices, supply and demand.
Mr. Doyle, the president and CEO of PotashCorp, made some comments. You're probably already aware of them, but I want to get your comments on them. For example, he talked about matching potash production to demand as necessary. He talked about capturing value, which basically means keeping the price set, keeping it high, and about ensuring a secure supply for the future. He makes a comment that these are difficult times and they don't want to drive full speed off the edge of a cliff. And I understand that. No one wants a company to be flat out on production, where they do drive off a cliff. People and companies have to adapt.
But I think there's a zone where people start feeling they are getting gouged, that the price is too high for what's going on, and that it's actually having a very detrimental impact on their farming operations. And I think we're well into that zone, just given the feedback that we've heard here on committee, that I've heard myself. I know it's a hard thing to dissect, because companies are allowed to regulate their production. They are allowed to set their prices. There are market conditions. However, as I said, there comes a time where people start asking what's going on here, why is it the way it is, and it shouldn't be that way.
What we see here is that they have basically turned down the dial on production to keep the price high, and it's having such an impact that there's a very real concern that farmers will not buy potash or will not buy a lot of potash in this coming season. In fact, I've seen the articles in the farmers' magazines that are encouraging farmers, saying, “Don't cut back on your potash. If you're thinking about doing it, don't do it. Because it's going to affect your yield. It's going to affect quality of product.” That's a very real concern, and it's a natural consequence of what's happening.
I want to ask two simple, straightforward questions. What do you think about this approach by PotashCorp and these comments by PotashCorp's CEO? What are your thoughts on what he said and on what they're doing?
:
Just as an overview of the reforms in Bill C-10, I'll give you a quick list of what the changes are and tell you how I think that impacts on enforcement.
The first change, which actually doesn't come into force until a year or so from now, is the change to the cartel, the conspiracy provision of the Competition Act, to create a more effective enforcement regime for the most egregious forms of cartel agreements: agreements among competitors of fixed prices, allocated markets, or reduced output, while not discouraging firms from entering into potentially beneficial strategic alliances, collaborations, and joint ventures.
The decriminalization of the pricing provisions will allow firms to have greater flexibility to provide innovative discounting and pricing strategies. The addition of the administrative monetary penalties to abuse of dominance, which was consistent with the recommendation of this committee, will promote greater compliance with that provision.
In the merger round we have a new merger review process that I outlined as well, which provides a more effective means for gathering information from the merging parties and reduces the number of transactions that need to be pre-notified to the Competition Bureau.
Generally speaking, there are increased penalties for the criminal provisions of the act to promote greater compliance with those provisions.
:
Let me speak for a moment about that issue. On gas pricing, you may know that criminal charges were laid against a number of individuals and companies that were accused of fixing the price for gasoline in certain communities in Quebec: Victoriaville, Thetford Mines, and Sherbrooke. We've had eight individuals and five companies plead guilty in those cases, with the fines totalling more than $2.7 million. So where gas pricing is being affected by unlawful agreements between competitors, the bureau has taken action and will continue to take action in respect of that conduct.
Gasoline is a good example of this. The way the changes to the legislation would impact upon that is, even though the allegation here is that there was a price-fixing agreement among competitors, which I'm sure you and I would generally agree is something that should be unlawful outright, the law that's enforced now because the new one hasn't come into effect—the unamended law, if you will—required us to prove, even in respect of those agreements, that it was likely to have the effect of unduly lessening competition in a relevant market. What that introduces now is an economic test, if you will. In the context of a criminal proceeding to the standard of beyond a reasonable doubt, you have to establish that this price-fixing agreement had the effect of impairing competition.
It's a hard thing for a criminal court to wrestle with because they're not used to hearing about downward sloping demand curves and cross-elasticities of supply and those types of economic concepts. It's very difficult to establish those beyond a reasonable doubt. The new law that will come into force in March 2010 removes that undueness test and narrows the criminal provision to apply directly to these most egregious forms of criminal conduct.
It is going to make enforcement, in respect of these types of price-fixing cartels, more effective and more efficient. In addition to that, the penalties were significantly increased, so there's greater deterrence and greater compliance with the provisions.
Before we wrap up, gentlemen, there have been a lot of things mentioned today that I have concerns about. Having you here is key to some of the suggestions and recommendations that come out in this committee's report. I hear a common theme and support by most of the committee.
What I'd like to know is the legislative or regulatory powers you need to increase competition in the four areas that most affect agriculture—the fuel industry, the fertilizer industry, the packing industry, and the ownership of cattle. Ownership of cattle is not illegal, as we all know, but it effectively gives slaughter plants the power to fix the market price, whether intentionally or not. We need some changes to deal with that. We know there's—I'll be gentle—extra price-taking in the fertilizer industry. We've had fertilizer officials here who have all but admitted it. I call it price-gouging. We need some rules.
Grocery stores represent another element that affects not just farmers but also the consumer. I want to know what powers you need to eliminate the ability of grocery stores to charge for shelf space. I relate this to the old days when one of the local mobsters would go around to each of the little stores in town and demand protection. My opinion is that this is legalized extortion. I'm hoping I'll have the support of the committee today. What I want is a recommendation to the government on how we can restrict this practice.
Finally, does Bill C-10 give you the power you need in all these cases? I suspect maybe it doesn't, but it certainly goes a long ways towards it. If it doesn't give you the power, what extra do you need to deal with some of these issues? I'd like you to tell us what you think today, and to respond to us in the next week or 10 days in writing, so we can include it in our report.