:
I do, Mr. Chair. Thank you very much.
Let me start with some very brief introductions. I'm Janice Charette, Deputy Minister of Human Resources and Social Development. I am joined today by my colleague Karen Jackson, the acting senior assistant deputy minister responsible for the skills and employment branch at HRSDC, and Sharon Shanks, our director general of services for youth within Service Canada.
I'm here today to talk to you about the Canada summer jobs initiative. The new initiative provides wage subsidies to help Canadian employers create career-related summer jobs for students between the ages of 15 and 30. It is designed to create jobs that not only meet employers' needs but also benefit young people who need the jobs the most.
[Translation]
Canada Summer Jobs is aimed at helping thousands of students across the country secure high-quality, career-related jobs this summer. The initiative was set up to help young people not only find a job, but ultimately to get a good start on a career.
[English]
The program was created with three key objectives in mind: first, creating jobs that would otherwise not be created; second, helping students who need it the most; and finally, providing high-quality career-related work experience.
Let me just start by setting some context around the labour market reality that lies behind these objectives. Right now Canada's economy is doing very well, and unemployment is the lowest it has been in 30 years. The Canadian labour market is performing well, and Canadian youth are benefiting from both the buoyant economy and the strong labour market. More than 60,000 jobs have already been posted at Service Canada centres for youth, and that was at the end of May.
In addition, experience with the summer employment programs indicates that many larger private sector employers would hire students without a wage subsidy. That's why private sector employers with more than 50 employees were not included in the Canada summer jobs initiative.
Let me go back to those three main objectives that I described earlier, first with respect to jobs not otherwise created.
There are three primary reasons for this focus. First, program evidence found that the public and the private sectors did not have as much need for a wage subsidy to create summer jobs. In fact, our data indicate that about 43% of public sector employers and 58% in the private sector indicated that they would have created jobs without a subsidy. Second, program evidence also revealed that some employers with access to other funds to hire summer students, such as multinational businesses, were receiving subsidies from the former summer career placement initiative. Our experience with summer employment programming also indicated that students considered their work experiences in the not-for-profit and public sectors to be quite valuable and career-related.
This initiative also encourages employers to help students who need it the most--those who would not find work as a result of where they live, perhaps because of the barriers they face, or both, in some cases. As well, it encourages employers to provide assistance to those areas where students are most in need.
This focus is important, because our program evidence showed that despite a strong economy, many students continued to experience problems in finding summer employment. In addition, some young people experienced higher levels of unemployment than others as a result of the barriers they faced. The unemployment rate, for example, for aboriginal young people was much higher than the 2006 national average of 12% for young people from ages 15 to 24. For example, aboriginal young people from ages 15 to 24 who are living off reserve in British Columbia had an unemployment rate of 20.4%, which is considerably higher than the 12% national average unemployment rate for youth in this age cohort.
Other young people faced barriers related to where they lived. For example, in rural and remote areas such as the territories, northern Manitoba, and some parts of Atlantic Canada, the overall unemployment rate can be 25% or higher, making it very difficult for students to find jobs.
[Translation]
Canada Summer Jobs focuses on creating longer, higher-quality, career-related job experiences for students. It is intended to benefit students by giving them skills for the future and letting them earn money for their education now.
[English]
Data we have from students reinforce the focus on career-related jobs. In fact, 55% of students who worked in the not-for-profit sector during 2005 reported that their summer job was related to their career choice and indeed confirmed their career choice. In addition, 74% of students who were employed by the not-for-profit sector indicated that their summer job would help them get full-time work in their chosen field.
Let me provide you with some information on the Canada summer jobs initiative budget. The budget for the initiative for 2007-08 is $85.9 million, which I believe is what said to you when he met with the committee on May 15, 2007. The full costs of this initiative will not be known until later this year, after the employers who are participating in the program submit all of their documentation to support payment at the end of the summer. Some organizations take a few weeks at the conclusion of the work term, and some even a few months, to submit that information. We are managing the resources for this initiative within the overall departmental resource envelope.
The Canada summer jobs initiative was designed to better suit today's economy and today's labour market. We introduced a set of fair, objective, and rigorous assessment criteria to assess proposals; however, as the program was being launched it became evident that a number of organizations, particularly in the not-for-profit and the public sectors, could not adapt to the new criteria fast enough. We did not anticipate the degree to which applying the new criteria would affect the not-for-profit and public sector organizations that had previously received funding under the summer career placements to deliver important services to communities over the summer.
So asked us to do a review of the unsuccessful applicants that were not awarded funding in the first round of funding decisions. Obviously, this was a review that we did quite quickly, given that the summer was upon us and this is a summer job program, and we concentrated on the not-for-profit and public sector organizations. The bottom line was to ensure that important services to the community were supported and that high-quality, career-related student jobs that would not otherwise be created would receive funding quickly. We took action there and accelerated the second round of project approvals and related funding decisions. In fact, we then called every organization that was either in the public or not-for-profit sector that had an eligible application under Canada summer jobs that had received funding under the former summer career placement program and had not identified or found alternative sources of funding. We were responsive to the concerns and we're confident that the initiative objectives that I outlined at the beginning of my remarks will continue to be met.
The Canada summer jobs program was designed to ensure students get the best-quality work experience, and the second round of project approvals will continue to ensure students receive worthwhile work experience. But of course, we're already in the conversation about lessons learned within the department, which you wouldn't be surprised about.
[Translation]
We've learned some lessons from our experience. For example, we have been reminded that not-for-profit organizations needed time to adjust to new program criteria, application processes and requirements to be able to submit applications of the required quality.
[English]
There's no doubt, though, that we listened and we responded quickly. We're going to continue to listen as we work with employers to finalize the job offers.
Let me return to the issue of funding, because I know that many of you will have questions about the program funding. I want to explain to you or reinforce that we are still in the early stages of implementing this program. We have many thousands of agreements that are in the process of being negotiated right now. As a result, it is impossible to put an exact figure on the cost of this program right now. As I mentioned earlier, exact funding will not be known until the end of the summer, because employers sometimes don't fill the positions that they apply for or offer them for as long as they originally intended. In some other situations, employers find alternative funding.
In conclusion, the Canada summer jobs program is a new initiative. It was designed to reflect a strong economy and a dynamic labour market. The program faced some challenges. We responded, and we will benefit from the lessons learned. The Canada summer jobs program was designed to ensure students get the jobs they need to help them succeed as students and prepare for future careers.
Thank you very much for your attention.
:
Again, there were a number of points made before you got to the end question.
One fact that might be of interest, Mr. Savage, regarding your comment about how that would be two jobs instead of one job in my riding is that one of the challenges in terms of our being able to come and give you the kind of information you're looking for at this point is that we're comparing to a program last year that was completed. I can look at last year and tell you what happened, because we have the data from the end of the summer. We're in the process of rolling this out, so I am going to try, to the best of my ability, to answer your question.
As I was saying in response to the earlier question, what we did is what we would normally do in a program. We would allocate up to the budget, in terms of the first round of funding decisions, against the criteria that were put in place for this program. So up to $77.3 million for the not-for-profit sector was allocated on the same basis as was in place last year by province and by territory, and for the public and private sector the remaining $8.6 million.
But as we go through, then, and speak to the employers, and they come back to us and say no, they're not actually going to use that many positions and so on, we then have an opportunity to commit additional dollars. As well, it is the case that when we make a commitment at the beginning of the year, in May, for instance, by the time the end of the summer rolls around we know that we won't have spent the full budget, for whatever reason—the student may have left; they weren't able to actually attract the student. So we over-commit the budget in order to ensure that we try to fully spend the budget.
Sorry, I have just one more point, if you'll indulge me.
In the course of last year, I'm told that actually we were making funding commitments continuing into mid-July, which obviously is not preferred, given the fact that we're into the summer and these are positions for students. So that's what I mean that as additional dollars become available we'll go out and make new commitments.
:
It seems to me that under the guise of trying to prevent political meddling, the way this program has been applied has really made it difficult for us, as members of Parliament who represent or try to represent constituents, to do our jobs. Not only can we not get some of the information we've asked for, but in my case in my riding, at the opening of the student placement office Service Canada told us directly that a directive from the minister's office disinvited local MPs.
There's a level of pettiness here that I think goes beyond trying to keep politics out of a government program. As representatives, I think we need to know what's happening in our riding, how these programs are functioning, and how the offices are dealing with students. This is just not possible, given the centralization that's occurred here. The whole centralization from Ottawa seems to be a real problem, for me.
The grid, as I read it, seems to really contradict the recommendations. As my colleague just said, I don't think there was ever a recommendation from the 38th Parliament for an overall cut of the program. The minister at the time said we're going to refocus the program to better direct the funds. Refocusing doesn't involve cutting.
You mentioned the highest level of employment or the lowest level of unemployment, but there are a lot of very low-paying jobs right now that mask.... We get the impression that the unemployment level is very low, but I think the very low-paying jobs are part of that and mask the real numbers.
The question I have is: would you agree that the grid contradicts the recommendations made by the 38th Parliament? Take, for example, the high crime. Well, sorry, rural areas get zero, because they're low-crime areas. The visible minorities in many rural areas...? The visible minorities live in Toronto or Montreal, so we've been hearing a lot about that.
There seems to be a real contradiction.
The other question is, you say you can't tell us how much was allocated in the first round. That seems to me very problematic. How would you know to go to a second round, if you can't tell us how much came out of the first round of applications to start with?
There have been references to the list the minister supposedly had. There's a big difference between mentioning a sampling of decisions and asking for a full list. We have the Bacardi grants in Ms. Dhalla's riding, and Wal-Mart. Those are examples, not a full list.
I would like to congratulate those involved in this program on the civil service level, because this is a first year with new priorities. When you change, adapt, and improve a program, that transition year can have some challenges, and I think you've handled it well.
I want to look at the 12 criteria and how they have changed from different years. I know there's been a lot of defence of political meddling and the old system of standing up for big conglomerates--standing up for MPs dictating to have grants go to their ridings. I have the list here, and I'd certainly be interested in which of these 12 criteria the opposition don't support. To help understand why they oppose these 12 criteria, it would be good to get some information on how it used to be.
They include jobs being created in geographic areas with high unemployment rates--hopefully they're not against that; jobs in small, urban, rural, or remote areas; project activities directed towards members to support the vitality of official language minority communities--I certainly hope you don't oppose that; employers committed to hiring priority students; jobs in high-crime areas; employer focuses on the provision of services to persons with disabilities, recent immigrants, aboriginal persons, members of visible minorities, persons who are homeless or street involved, other groups with social employment barriers, children or seniors, environmental protection or other priorities--hopefully you're not against those criteria.
The job must provide clear related experience or early work experience; the job provides employability skills; the employer provides supervision and mentoring; duration of the job contributes to the student's experience and income; the salary offered contributes to the student's income; and finally, the job is associated with a special event, is a unique work experience.
When I look at these criteria I am very impressed at how in-depth this program is with these new changes. It really focuses on areas of need, on areas or communities that need a helping hand from the government. It doesn't go back to defending political meddling and standing up for the Bacardis and Wal-Marts of the world.
Maybe you could shed a little bit of information on how these criteria have changed from previous years.
I'm not going to get into the preamble part of your comments. I don't think that was intended for my response.
On the criteria, there are a couple of things. This is the first time we have put this kind of comprehensive applicant guide together. One of the things that accompanies a new program is a move to these more rigorous and objective criteria to be able to do the evaluation. As I said, we changed how the budget was allocated so we needed to have a way of assessing the projects. The criteria were developed based on our experience with the program and looking at the recommendations of the committee.
In past years, even the committee indicated to us that the way the proposals were being assessed wasn't sufficiently available to the people who were applying. We had an applicants' guide, but they weren't necessarily able to understand completely how the decisions were being taken. That's why so much effort went into actually putting together the 12 assessment criteria with the level of detail associated with each one--the points. For example, within the high unemployment rate there are one to 12 points, depending on what the youth unemployment rate is in that region.
The availability of accurate labour market data was an issue for the committee, so we tried to gear the assessment criteria to the best available labour market data for the folks who fell into this cohort.
We took the policy objectives, aligned the criteria against those policy objectives, and tried to do a weighting that looked at those three objectives: conditions in the area that might inhibit a student from being able to find a job, jobs that wouldn't otherwise be created without this kind of a program, and the high-quality work experience. That really was the logic and rationale behind the criteria.
:
Thank you very much for taking the time to come today.
For many of us sitting around here, we've been raising this issue for a number of months now. I'm going back to some of the press releases issued by my colleague, I know, on behalf of the Liberal caucus.
One press release, dated March 5, states: “Conservatives' Student Employment Con Job”. Another one, dated May 16, states: “Conservative Cuts to Summer Grants Kill Community Programs”. And another one, on May 23, states: “ Must Immediately End Confusion Surrounding Student Summer Grants”.
So I know there has been a lot of work done by opposition parties to ensure that the students and the non-profit organizations that deserve funding actually receive appropriate funds to ensure that students can get hired for the summer. I can tell you, from talking to many of these organizations and these non-profit groups that traditionally have relied on the summer career placement program in the past, that they were actually counting on the Canada summer jobs program this time around to ensure that they would have access to the appropriate funding, and students would have access to ensure that they would actually obtain jobs.
So I was quite surprised, when we had submitted a motion, which I think was approved by the majority of members on this particular committee, to request a complete list of criteria....
How is it that in the past, MPs were provided with a list of individuals and organizations that had applied; the information came back from HRSDC itself on whether or not those organizations, non-profit or private, had been approved or denied; and we as parliamentarians had an opportunity to look at that list? I know, from talking to many MPs, that there was no involvement from the local MP. They took the advice of HRSDC.
Why is that when that same list is being asked for this particular year, it's been deemed a privacy concern, when in previous years it never was?
You would know, as deputy minister--and you have a great team at HRSDC--that in previous years we received a list of every organization that applied for funding within our riding. We received a very detailed list, actually.
I'm just going to use an example of an organization that would apply for $50,000 for x number of spaces. They would receive $20,000, as a recommendation. Or they would be denied completely, or they would perhaps receive the full funds.
When that was not a privacy concern last year or the year before or for the last ten years, why has it suddenly become a concern in regard to privacy?
I have organizations in my particular constituency calling me and saying, “Can you please provide us with additional information? Because we are not able to get help from Service Canada or HRSDC.” They are looking at us not as a Liberal MP or a Conservative MP or a Bloc MP. They are looking at us as links between what's going on here in Ottawa and what's going on, on the ground. They are upset, they are frustrated, and they are angry, because they feel as if they are boxed into a corner, and they don't know which way to turn.
And it's unfortunate for these types of petty politics to be taking over the good work that many of these organizations are doing.
So why is it a privacy concern now versus the case in the last five or ten years when it wasn't a privacy concern?
:
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First, I want to thank the departmental people for being here today. You have a heavy responsibility. I think that responsibility also requires that you be able to give the most appropriate information possible.
To a question asked by Ms. Dhalla, you answered that you weren't engaged in politics. Earlier, however, you said that the minister had asked you to revise the criteria in order to see whether they were consistent with the political objective. You can reread the blues. So what you are engaged in is politics, whether you like it or not. That's not a criticism. It's a political gesture from the moment you apply political directives. Once again, that's not a reprimand, but you have to admit the truth: you play a political role.
Now the point is to see whether or not you're playing a partisan political role. In the current sequence, I would say to you that it's perceived in the field as a partisan political role. That's not because I want it that way or because I'm talking nonsense to you this morning. That's not my intention, because I know you work very hard. In the field, however, an improvised, deceitful, amateur operation is emerging. Not only is there a lack of transparency, but you're combating transparency. I'm telling you that quite honestly. Does that come from a political directive? That's another question.
I'll support my comment as follows. First, in the past, you wrote and signed this letter. From the start to the end of operations, you denied us information that we had on a de facto basis, that is to say who applied for it, who received it. The officials in the regions did their job well. It is false to say that there were no criteria; there were. The fact that you established criteria for the first time is another matter, but there were criteria and they were met.
Second, I'm talking about deceit. Here we were told the reason why...
It really irritates me when people talk off to the side. Pardon me, Mr. Chairman, but people were talking very loudly off to the side.
Why did they suddenly change all that, and why is it centralized in Montreal and Ottawa? We're told it's because there are ridings, regions where jobs are given to businesses like Wal-Mart, Rogers, Softway and so on. People are stunned and scandalized. They don't agree. Where is that happening? Why? If that's what we wanted to correct, as my Liberal colleague said a little earlier, why didn't we do it instead of throwing out the baby with the bath water? That's what you're also giving us this morning. That's why I say there's a kind of deceit. Perhaps it's not voluntary, but there is deceit.
It's the same program, even though the contrary is being claimed. It's been disguised, its name has been changed, and alterations have been made to certain criteria which amount to the same thing. It's not because a business changes the way it operates that it's no longer the same. It remains the same business. It's especially the places that have been changed in order to meet the selection criteria.
People are playing politics with that. Mr. Blackburn went into the ridings to strut and say that he had given those organizations a certain number of employees. Mr. Paradis did the same thing in Lac Mégantic, and they're doing the same thing in Sherbrooke and Victoriaville. He stopped doing it when organizations told him that they had some before and asked him why they didn't have any more now. People are playing politics with that, which we didn't see before. You must know that, when you're asked to work differently, you're being asked to play politics differently. You don't perceive where you are.
In the letter that you signed, madam, you tell us that, as a result of the Privacy Act, you cannot provide us with certain information that we previously had.
Ordinarily, committees are able to obtain the documents they require for their work by simply requesting them. Where a committee meets with a refusal to provide a document it deems essential to its work, the committee may pass a motion ordering its production. If such an order is ignored, the committee has no power to compel its production, but may report the matter to the House and request that appropriate action be taken.
I have two concerns here. One is that as members of Parliament we have always had access to this information. In fact it was last year, on May 6, that Service Canada sent me a list of who had applied, who was going to receive funding, and who was denied. That is my job as a member of Parliament to know that. Service Canada, at the local level, knew that information. As Ms. Dhalla said, we don't pick winners and losers. I never did. I never thought it was my job.
The other day I was listening to a radio station in Newfoundland where a Conservative member of Parliament, Fabian Manning, said:
There was an attempt this year...to take this program, I guess, out of the politicians' hands. And, to be honest with you, I certainly disagree with that, because I think that nobody understands, you know, the riding as much, as a matter of fact, as the local Service Canada offices, the organizations that are out there, and the MPs in that regard, travelling around.
I have a concern from a privacy point of view, but I don't think this is about privacy. I think this is about disarray, disorganization, and the complete discombobulation of this program. If it takes this motion to force this issue--and I understand the motion is in order--then I think that it's up to us, as parliamentarians, to support that motion and do our job.
:
The point is that it was absolutely imperative. I think it was agreed by most of the people on this committee in the past that there were problems with this program that needed to be fixed. As a member of Parliament, it is important to me there not even be a perception of the possibility of any undue influence by members of Parliament in terms of picking winners and losers in any program.
You can make whatever political arguments you want to make. It was funny hearing the claims of petty politics coming from the other side immediately after they rattled off a list of I don't know how many press releases in a row regarding this program. The inconsistency just astounds me.
Mr. Savage, in speaking today, talked about understanding from both sides this idea of whether MPs should or shouldn't decide what to do with the winners and losers. Yet in the past, on March 22, he stated that “I don't see any reason that any part of it should have been changed”, when talking about the summer career placement program. So at that point he was sticking up for MPs deciding. Then on May 17 in this committee, he said, “frankly, I don't think they should”, when he was talking about members of Parliament having control. So he's clearly all over the map on this. It obviously is a very political issue for that side.
I think what we're talking about here are some very practical changes that members of all parties have said have to happen. It is important for me to get this on the record when I hear some of the screaming from the other side on this.
I'm not accusing any individual of anything. I want a program that makes sense, that's objective, with fair criteria for everybody, so that everybody knows, when they look at those criteria and when it comes to putting forward their proposals, what needs to be in those proposals and the argument they need to make, so that it's fair for everybody. So I think that's where I'm going.
Quite honestly, it's too bad the officials are gone, because I didn't have enough time to commend them. Clearly, they were responsive and did recognize there were challenges and that there were some wrinkles in terms of the program when it began to be implemented. I appreciate the responsiveness of the department and their very, very quick reaction to some of the challenges.
So I just want to get that on the record.
:
Mr. Chairman, we will oppose the amendment for the reasons raised by our NDP colleague, Ms. Savoie, including the program's transparency. An entire camouflage operation is underway to prevent people from learning that the Conservatives are fiddling with this program. They have centralized the program in order to politicize it.
One thing must be clarified. It is not true that it was MPs who chose who was entitled to jobs; it was public servants first of all. When there was a lack of resources to meet needs, a kind of arbitration was conducted among two or three organizations.
I'll give you an example. I intervened once. An MP from another party gave five positions to a municipality. We checked with the municipality to see whether it needed them, because it was able to pay for those positions. It had been like that for two or three years. But the municipality refused, saying that it had one because there was one that it could not create. That made it possible to give three or four more, but it was public servants who did the work.
We occasionally intervene politically to assist officials. Everything had been done in a transparent manner for many years in the region, with competent officials and criteria, contrary to what is being suggested today. People are talking as though they were no criteria, as though things were done in a slap-dash manner and people were incompetent. That's false, Mr. Chair. The officials in the regions were discouraged to see the situation this year, because they said to themselves that ultimately it was they who would have to clean up the mess.
To what extent is the emphasis placed on the new criteria? Do you know that, ultimately, the new criteria no longer even stood? Certain organizations were called and told that, if they had less than 32%, they weren't qualified. A number of organizations, in the last operation, had 20%, 21%, 22%. It was automatic. They were told that they had had funding the year before. They are going to hurry up, it's every man for himself, because it hurts politically, because the outcry is too great.
Three thousand organizations in Quebec wrote to the minister. My colleague has tabled copies of 3,000 letters to the minister since the Christmas holidays. There is serious discontent. It's not a question of MPs, because there are members from all parties. There are quite a few federalists and quite a few people who don't like the Bloc either, just as there are others who don't like the Conservatives. And yet they like to have students to help in humanitarians missions.
I think it's unfortunate that the Conservatives are taking these kinds of measures to prevent people from learning what is going on. We're going to vote against this.
:
I notice that Mr. Savage is very selective in what he wants to choose to say that he said and very selective in what he chose to hear today. Obviously there were some transition issues that were addressed and clearly the witnesses referred to those transition issues. We hardly went back to the old Liberal plan.
I want to talk about the motion here right now. I want to be very clear, because with the comments that Ms. Dhalla was making--and I'm not sure if she was listening when the witnesses were addressing her questions--it's very clear they were differentiating between what gets released publicly for everyone's consumption and the information that you get in your office regarding your own specific riding, and who was and wasn't selected at that time. That information was never released publicly unless you decided to send out a press release and do that. What I heard the witnesses say today, and I thought it was very clear, is this is not information that has been released in the past publicly. Who got funding and who didn't riding by riding across the entire country is not information that has been released publicly, and it is not information that they feel is appropriate to be released publicly.
What would happen if it's brought to this committee is it becomes public as soon as it's tabled in the committee if we're not in camera. I just think before we vote on this we just need to know what it is we're voting on. Let's make sure we're very clear. We're voting on the release of information that hasn't in the past under the old Liberal program or ours been released before. It's plain and simple. Let's at least just know what we're voting on before we vote. Let's be clear on that.
Just in reviewing the motion here I'm going to propose an amendment to it in bullets one and two. In bullet one, what I would like it to say is “under the summer career placement program in 2004, 2005, and 2006”. Then in bullet two I would like it to say the same thing, “summer career placement program for 2004, 2005, and 2006”.
I think we need to get some perspective if we're going to be discussing this fairly. We need to have some context and we need to know what's happened in the past as well. I think it's a common-sense amendment. If we're going to vote for the motion anyway, I don't think there would be any concerns with adding those other years.
:
I think the comments by both Ms. Bonsant and Ms. Savoie speak to the problem with the communication here. Both of them refer to the fact that they already have this information for their own riding.
The trouble is, no one else has the information for your own riding. What we're releasing here is everybody's information across the country. So you may have the information for your own riding—we all do, for the years we've been MPs—but what we're releasing here is information across the country, for everybody's riding.
I want to see the information for your riding. If I'm going to see the information from 2006 and 2007, I want to see the information from 2004 and 2005 as well. That's what I'm asking about.
You weren't maybe listening to what they said, Mr. Savage, because both of them were concerned about the fact that they already have the information for their own riding.
If we're going to release all of this information, clearly I want to see it for 2004 and 2005. I'm not going to hide the fact that we had a change in government—actually, I'm rather proud of the fact that we had a change in government—in January 2006. I think it would be fair to take a reasonable snapshot here, to have a picture of the two years previous to the change in government, if we're going to have the information anyway, and the two years after. It's just a logical, commonsense way to approach this information, if we're going to do this.
I can't see anybody actually opposing that amendment, to be honest. If you're going to ask for the information, you have to ask for all of the information, at least the amount of information that gives a clean snapshot of the history here, and I think four years is a reasonable snapshot, if we're going to go down this road anyway.
:
I understand Mr. Lake's concern. These people probably want to be able to work on the basis of the new political criteria for next year, as the deputy minister said earlier. That can wait, Mr. Chairman.
What is currently on the agenda is the situation this year. To get a better grasp of that situation, we must compare it to that of last year. To do that, the load has to be as light as possible for officials. So, for the moment, we must limit ourselves to 2006 and 2007. Once Mr. Lake and his colleagues have those lists in hand, they can consult those from previous years if they deem that appropriate. Then they can re-address the question.
It is hard to understand the Conservative logic. First these people say it is impossible to provide these lists, but they suddenly say they are prepared to have not only those for 2006-2007 to be provided, but also those from previous years. That's quite hard to understand.
I think that's quite ironic from a political standpoint. Our colleague Ms. Yelich, whom I appreciate very much, cites the example of Quebec. We shouldn't make any announcements. Mr. Chairman, I've never made any announcements, nor has my colleague. In Quebec, two-thirds of members are from the Bloc Québécois. That may be explained by the fact that our conduct is dignified. The Conservatives, on the other hand, completely disappeared from the map in Quebec because their conduct was undignified. They currently represent 7% of the deputation. If they continue to act in this manner, they will disappear from the map once again.
:
Back to what I was saying, I think that when you look at the motion as it stands right now, it's obvious that the entire issue has been a very political issue on the Liberal side. It's very important, if we're going to pass this motion, that we have a complete picture. Obviously there are politics being played in terms of the vote on that amendment. It's a common-sense amendment. It's not political, because it just creates a fair picture.
If we're going to release the information.... I think I'm very clear that as is, I won't be supporting this motion as it stands. But even if I'm not going to support the motion, it's clear that it's going to pass. I think if we're going to pass a motion like this, it's important that the information be presented in context. To have proper context, you have to have two years. You have to have at least four years.
I'm prepared to move another amendment. And I'll continue to do this until it gets some common sense. We can either vote on it and then go on to what we need to go on to and vote for a common-sense amendment, or we can continue to avoid having proper information out there.
The amendment I'm going to move now, under the first bullet, is that it read, “under the summer career placement program in 2003, 2004, 2005, and 2006”, and then, “distributed by the summer career placement program for 2003, 2004, 2005, and 2006”.
Quite honestly, this isn't a matter of trying to waste time. We can move on and we can vote on these things until we get something that's common sense, and then we can move on to whatever it is we have to discuss. But if you guys are going to play political games on the other side and vote down an amendment that makes total sense simply because you don't want that information to come out, then I'll keep moving amendments, and we'll add years if we want to. It has to have context if you're going to put the information out. It has to have context, plain and simple.
:
On the amendment, if Mr. Lake and the Conservatives are so eager to have the information from previous years, they have access to that already. We've seen that the parliamentary secretaries and their ministers have utilized that information in repeated venues across the country, whether they're making announcements in Quebec or in the House of Commons in the chamber. So they have access to that information.
I think if they were interested in having that information previously, they could have put a motion forward. We know that for people on this side, in terms of the opposition, it is really not about politics. This is about non-profit organizations that have been denied funding. It's about students coming into my office when I'm there on a constituency day on Fridays saying that they had access to jobs last year and they don't have the same access and they want to know what is going on. And we're unable to respond.
I find it ironic, because if the deputy minister, under the direction of the minister, I gather, whom she directly works for, sends us a letter saying that there are privacy concerns, and at the same time she sends us a list of expenditures per riding, they must have a complete list of organizations that received funding if they can come up with that final amount. So if received $400,000, there must have been a list of organizations that received funding that added up to the $400,000. If someone out in in Quebec received $232,000, there must have been a list of programs that received funding to come up with that final amount of $232,000. So when the Conservatives are saying that it's difficult to come up with it on a riding-by-riding basis, we've already been provided the information in terms of total amounts. What we are asking for is a comprehensive list.
I think the prudent thing to do to ensure that it is transparent and to see that there is accountability is to put forward this list. I'm sure there is nothing to hide. It is public knowledge when the list does come out. We as parliamentarians are asking to be able to do our job. We are a link between our constituents and the government, and we have a job to do. I think these types of handcuffs are really putting a restraint on our ability to do our jobs well.
I share the concern about being able to compare apples with apples that Mr. Lake is raising, but I think there are two concerns, one of which they have expressed themselves: they don't want to bog down the department. Why not accept this motion as it is and make an additional motion to get these facts down the road, because we're not asking for anything different from what was obtained.
There's no rush on that information. It is going to be good to have, and I would support it if it came in a separate motion with a different timeline. There isn't the same rush for 2003 as there is to respond to the groups that have been calling our offices.
It would be useful to have, and I would support getting it with a longer timeline, if they're willing to make that kind of amendment and change the timeline. This is the urgent part of it. Let's not bog down the department, as you suggested on your side, and get at this information. Then we can come back and get at the other information for previous years, if you feel the need to respect a principle of comparing apples with apples.
It's not a question of not accepting the principle Mr. Lake raises. It's just a question of different levels of urgency that we want to get at to respond to our constituents in our ridings, to the groups that have approached us, to the students who have talked to us.
:
Thank you, Mr. Allison.
I'm a bit perplexed too that Mr. Lake's amendment was shot down. This committee works best when we compromise. We've seen a few examples of that over the last month. We were able to move through things swiftly because there was that willingness.
What we have seen in the last 30 minutes is a move away from that, which is a bit disappointing. I'm glad to hear Ms. Savoie say she wants to see that context and look at the whole picture.
I'd understand why the Liberal members here would vote against seeing past years, because I wouldn't be surprised if there are things they want to hide there. But to see the Bloc and NDP vote with them and stand as a crutch for the Liberals to hide the performance of this program while they were in government is odd. I don't know why they would choose to do that.
I hope, if Mr. Lake rewords his amendment and adds the discretion to it that Ms. Savoie was searching for, that they'd want to see that broader context. It is a bit unheard of to go foot by foot, hand in hand with the Liberals, trying to avoid further information for the decision-making process as we review this.
That would be my advice. If we want to move through this swiftly, there needs to be that greater cooperation, and a way to do it is what Ms. Savoie suggested. You can play with the timelines, but get the whole context; get the whole picture. Let's not try to hide Liberal dirty secrets. And they certainly don't need a crutch, doing it with the Bloc helping them.
:
You know, Mr. Lake repeats that it's to allow the Liberals to cherry-pick. I don't know what their motives are, but my motives are to be in a position to respond to my constituents this year. I'm not responsible for three years ago. I'm responsible for now. That's what I need an answer for: now.
I do think the analysis would be interesting and will be interesting. That's why I would support this amendment in terms of a different date. But I think there's such a thing as asking for so much information.... I think anybody who's been involved in bureaucracy knows that you can shut down a system by asking for so much information. That's the concern.
Perhaps it might be more reasonable to say that if the other information for 2003, 2004, or 2005 is available now, then bring it in as well. That I would support--if the other information, etc. So just to be clear to Mr. Lake, that we're not and he is not trying to bog down the system, if that information is available, let's have it.
Is there any way of making a sub-subamendment? I don't know where we're at.
It's a question of getting the information, responding, and being accountable—I think that's the favourite word of the Conservatives—to our constituents this year. That's what I would propose--unless this is all about games-playing. If we really are trying to solve the problem, then we can add this....
:
I think we can't leave without realizing what we're asking for. We asked the deputy minister to come here today, and she did, in her letter of explanation, talk about Canada student jobs in the current year. First of all, the human resources committee is asking for that information for 2007 to be provided riding by riding.
The letter from the deputy minister and her evidence today said--if everybody was listening, and if the opposition were listening, they would realize--that the 2007 information isn't collected riding by riding. It is produced regionally for not-for-profits, and nationally--and I clearly remember her saying nationally--for private and public sectors.
So the committee keeps asking for information in a form that can't be given. So the motion is great, I guess, but it's not going to be able to be delivered, in my view.
There's another thing that I want to reiterate. They continually say we don't want to put the department out for the previous years, as Mr. Lake's motion has read. However, what I'm trying to emphasize--and the deputy minister said this--is that there are negotiations right now to complete the summer career program. The second round of funding is being negotiated now. They're in negotiations. Let them complete the program before we start asking for evidence of what this program has delivered, and if we're doing it because we want to convince the public that this new program is no good, then we have to bring it into context and have the other information at the same time, although Mr. Lake has conceded, I guess, to allow it to be postponed.
But again, would they please remember what the deputy minister had said? I really don't know what you're going to do with the list. We're going to bring it in, and then what are we going to do with it? Mr. Lake has indicated, and I never like to be political at these meetings. I really do wonder what we will do with the list, because what about the successful people? Will that pit successful applicants against unsuccessful ones? Are you going to call them all in and say, “Look, we just gave this group--as you see, I have this list here--funding”? What are you going to do with it?
If we're going to examine a list and study a list, and in the context of the program--and the opposition cannot seem to accept that this program is not about the old program, it's about going on and moving on--we have to provide lists to compare and to see that it's not a good program. Mr. Savage continually says the “good old program”. Well, it couldn't have been that good or we wouldn't have changed it. I think it's time to move on.
Merci .